PROCEEDINGS
THE SOCIETY
BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
JANUARY
DECEMBER, 1900.
VOL. XXII. THIRTIETH SESSION.
PUBLISHED AT
THE OFFICES OF THE SOCIETY,
37, Great Russell Street, Bloomsburv, W.C.
19 0 0.
HARRISON AND SONS,
rnillTERS IN ORDINARY TO HIS MAJESTY^
ST. martin's LANE LONDON.
COUNCIL, 1900.
President.
Prof. A. 11. Sayce, LL.D., &c., &c.
Vice-Presidents.
The Most Rev. His Grace The Lord Archbishop of York
The Right Hon. the Earl of Halsbury.
The Right Hon. Lord Amherst of Hackney.
Arthur Gates.
F. D. Mocatta, F.S.A., &c.
Walter Morrison, M.P.
Sir Gharles Nicholson, Bart., D.G.L., M.D., &c.
Alexander Peckover, LL.D., F.S.A.
Rev. George Rawlinson, D.D., Canon of Canterbury.
The Right Rev. S. W. Allen, D.D. (R.C. Bishop of Shrewsbury).
General Sir Charles Warren, G.C. ISLG., &c., &c.
Council.
Rev. Charles James Ball, I\LA.
Rev. Prof. T. K. Cheyne, D.D.
Thomas Christy, F.L.S.
Dr. J. Hall Gladstone, F.R.S.
F. LI. Griffith, F.S.A.
Gray Hill.
F. Legge.
Rev. Albert Lowy, LL.D., &c.
Rev. James Marshall, M. A.
Prof. G. Maspero.
Claude G. Montefiore.
Prof. E. Naville.
J. Pollard.
Edward B. Tylor, LL.D., F.R.S.
&c.
Honorary Treasurer — Bernard T. Bosanquet.
Secretary — W. Harry Rylands, F.S.A.
Honorary Secretary for Foreign Correspondence —
Honorary Librarian — W. Harry Rylands [pro. tan.).
CONTENTS.
Donations to Library i, 45, 87, 123, 169, 276, 327
Nomination of Candidates ... 2, 46, 87, 124, 170, 277 328,
Election of Members 46,87,124,170,328
Notices of decease of Members ... ... 45, 123, i6c, 275
Alteration in the time of the Meetings ... ... ... 2
No. CLXv. January.
Secretary's Report, 1899 ... ... ... ... ... ^-8
Council and Officers for the year 1900 ... ... ... g
Major-General F. E. Hastings, C.B. — Biblical Chron-
ology. The Historical Period, Kings, Judges ... 10-30
Percy E. Newberry. — A Statue of Hapu-Senb : Vezir
ofThothmesH ...
A. H. Gardiner.— The RelatiYe AdjectiYe '^T ... 37-42
Errata
Statement of Receipts and Expenditure for the year
ending 1899
1-36
42
43
Nc. CLxvi. February.
The Hon. Miss Plunket.— Ancient Indian Astronomy
{Plate) 47_58
Percy E. Newberry.— Extracts from mv Note Books,
H:—
5. Sen-nefer, Mayor of Thebes under Amenhetep H 59
6. Sen-nefer, Treasurer of Hatshepsut and Thoth-
mes in ... ... ... ... ... 61
7. The Vezir Khay .. . ... ... ... ... 62
8. The Vezir Paser... ... ... ... ... 62
9. Hopshepsut's Favourite IVIinister and Architect,
Sen-mut ... ... ... ... ... 63
10. A Cylinder of the Vezir Ankhu 64
1 1 . An Ushabti Figure of Paser, Mayor of Thebes 64
12. The Hieroglyphs g > and o8W= 65
13. The sign ^ 65
CONTENTS.
I-AGK
Robert Brown, Jun., F.S.A. — A Euphratean Circle of
360° 67-71
W. E. Crum. — Notes on the Strassburg Gospel Fragments 72-76
Prof. A. H. Sayce {President). — Notes ... ... 77-79
The Hon. Miss Plunket. — Notes; Ahura ]Mazda, etc. 80-85
Prof. A. H. Sayce {President).- — Notes on the December
Number of the Proceeding's ... ... ... ... 86
No. CLXvii. March.
Dr. James Henry Breasted. — The Monuments in the
Inscriptions ... ... ... ... ... ... 88-95
Dr. James Henry Breasted. — The Annals of Thuth-
mose HI, and the Location of Megiddo ... ... 06-98
Percy E. Newberry. — The word A7ia ; a diwan or
"office" ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 99-105
Alfred BoissiER. — Notes d'Assyriologie ... ... 106-114
Joseph Offord. — Phoenician Inscription at Greenock
(Plate) ... ... ... ... ... ... ...114, 115
E. TowRY Whyte, M.A., F.S..\. — Egyptian Models of
Fish; Egyptian Camp Stool (/Va/d'i") ... ... ... 116, 117
Walter L. Nash, F. S. A. — A Wooden Handle for Small
Cymbals from Egypt {Plate) ... ... ... ... 117, 118
B. P. Lascelles — Drawings by Sir Gardner Wilkinson 11 8-1 20
Joseph Offord. — Note on the Geography of Phoenician
Inscriptions ... ... ... ... .. ... 120, 121
F. Legge. — The word Armageddon ... ... ... 121, 122
No. CLXviii. ]\Iay.
F. Legge. — The Carved Slates from Hieraconpolis and
elsewhere (9 Plates) ... ... ... ... ... 125-139
Prof, Wm. Flinders Petrie, D.C.L., LL.D. — Note on
a Carved Slate ... ... ... ... ... ... 140, 141
VI CONTENTS.
VAC,
Percy E. Newberry. — Extracts from my Notebooks,
III (2 Plates):—
14. The Cornflower in PLgyptian Art ... ... 142
15. The Poppy in Egyptian Art ... ... ... 144
16. Th.Q N'efu, " root of the Cyperus esculentiis, L." 146
17. The String of Dried Figs ... ... ... 148
18. A Statue of Hapu, father of Thothmes Ilnd's
Vezir, Hapu senb .. ... ... ... 148
ig. A Statuette of Min-nekht, Superintendent of
the Granaries under Thothmes III ... 151
20. Notes on Some Hieroglyphic Signs ... ... 152
Prof. Dr. Wiedemann. — A Mythological-Geographical
Text ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 155-160
F. G. Hilton Price, Dir. S.A. — Some Ivories from
Abydos (2 Plates) 160
Prof. A. H. S.-vyce {President). — Notes ... ... ... 161
F. Ll. Griffith, F.S.A. — ^cjueafi ... ... ... 162
Walter L. Nash, F.S.A. — Ancient Egyptian Models of
Fish (3 Plates) ... ... ... ... ... ... 163
Prof. T. K. Cheyne.— The word Armageddon. On an
Assyrian Loan-word in Hebrew, and on lt^?2 ••• 165
Percy E. Newberry. — Note. The aaf" flies" ... 166
Fr. W. v. Bissing. — Notes ... ... ... . . 167
No. clxix. June.
Prof. A. H. Sayce {President). — The Language of
Mitanni ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 171-220
Prof. A. H. Sayce {President). — Additional Note to
Memoir on the Language of Mitanni ... ... 221-225
Dr. M. Gaster. — Hebrew Illuminated MSS. of the
Bible of the IXth and Xth Centuries ... ... ... 226-239
Dr. M. Gaster, — A Samaritan Scroll of the Hebrew
Pentateuch ... ... ... ... ... ... 240-269
F. Legge. — Another Carved Slate (77a/d') ... ... 270
CONTENTS. Vi:
PAGE
F. Ll. Griffith, F.S.A. — The Aberdeen Reshep Stela
{Plate) 271
Arthur E. Weigall. — The Funeral Tablets in the
Brighton Museum (2 Plates) ... ... ... ... 272, 273
E. J. PiLCHER. — Phoenician Inscription at Greenock ... 273, 274
John Ward, F.S.A. — Egyptian Scarabs (4 Plates) ... 274
No. CLXX. November.
Prof. A. H. Sayce {President). — I. Objects from the
Tomb of a Prge-dynastic Egyptian King. II. Some
early Egyptian Seal-cylinders {Plate) ... ... ... 278-280
Joseph Offord. — Report, Congres International d'His-
toire des Religions ... ... ... ... ... 281-285
Rev. a. J. Delattre, S.J. — Quelques Lettres As-
syriennes... ... ... ... ... ... ... 286-304
John Ward, F.S.A. — A Collection of Historical Scarabs
and others, with a few Cylinders ... ... ... 305-320
Alan H. Gardiner. — (i) ^^ and ^ ^x- (-) The
demonstrative AAA/v>^, and its derivatives ... ... 321-325
No. CLXxi. December.
Dr. M. Gaster. — The Wisdom of the Chaldeans : an
old Hebrew Astrological Text ... ... ... ... 329-351
Prof. J. Lieblein. — Le lever heliaque de Sothis le 16
Pharmouti 352-35V
Theo. G. Pinches. — The Temples of Ancient Baby-
lonia. Parti 35S-371
Joseph Offord. — Prsefecti ^Egypti 372,373
Seymour DE Ricci. — The Prefects of Egypt 374-383
Prof. Dr. Karl Piehl. — Egyptian Notes 384, 385
John Ward, F.S.A. — Historical Scarabs — continued
{^plates) 386-401
E. TowRY Whyte, M.A., F.S.A. —Note 402
via ILLUSTRATIONS.
LIST OF PLATES.
PAGE
Ancient Indian Astronomy [diagnxj/i) ... ... ... 52
Phoenician Inscription at Greenock ... ... ... 114
Egyptian Models of Fish; Egyptian Camp Stool
{2 Plates) ... ... 116, 117
A Wooden Handle for Small Cymbals, from Tgypt ... 1 18
The Carved Slates from Ilieraconpolis and elsewhere
^^ Plates) 138,139
Extracts from my Notebooks, III (Percy E. Newberry)
{2 Plates) 142,144
Some Ivories from Abydos (2 Plates) ... ... ... 160, 161
Ancient Egyptian Models of Fish (3 /%?/'d'j-) 164,165
Another Carved Slate ... ... ... ... ... 270
The Aberdeen Reshep Stela ... ... ... ... 271
The Funeral Tablets in the Brighton Museum (2 Plates) 272, 273
Egyptian Scarabs (4 Plates, I, II, III, IV) 274
I. Objects from the Tomb of a Prs-dynastic Egyptian
King. II. Some early Egyptian Seal-cylinders ... 278
Cod. Or. Caster, No. 177, fol. 36a 350
Egyptian Scarabs (4 Plates, V, VI, VII, VIII) 400
VOL. XXII. Part i.
PROCEEDINGS
OF
THE SOCIETY
OF
BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
^j^ — ' —
VOL. XXII. THIRTIETH SESSION.
First Meeting, January <^th, 1900.
CONTENTS.
PAGE
Secretary's Report for 1S99 3-8
Council and Officers for the Year 1900 9
Major-General, F. E. Hastings, C.B. — Biblical Chronology.
The Historical Period, Kings, Judges 10-30
Percy E. Newberry.— A Statue of Hapu-Senb : Vezir of
Thothmes H 3^-3)^
A. H. Gardiner. — The Relative Adjective ^^ 37-42
Errata 43
Statement of Receipts and Expenditure for the Year ending 1899.
published at
THE OFFICES OF THE SOCIETY,
37, Great Russell Street, Bloomsburv, W.C.
1900.
No. CLXV.
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY,
37, Great Russell Street, Bloomsbury, W.C.
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PROCEEDINGS
ov
THE SOCIETY
OF
BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
THIRTIETH SESSION, 1900.
First Meeting, ^tJi January, 1900.
[anniversary.]
THOMAS CHRISTY, Esq.. F.L.S. (Member of Council),
IN THE CHAIR.
-«.tj>-
The following Presents were announced, and thanks
ordered to be returned to the Donors : —
From the Author : — G. Maspero. Histoire Ancienne des peuples
de rOrient classique. Les Empires. 8vo. Paris. 1899.
From Joseph Pollard : — Massilia-Carthago ; Sacrifice Tablets of
the Worship of Baal. Edited by the Rev. J. M. Macdonald,
8vo. London, 1897.
From the Author : — Rev. C. H. de Cara, S,J. I dialetti Italici e
gl' Itali della storia.
Civilta Cattolica, November, 1899.
[No. CT.XV.] I A
Jan. 9] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1500.
From F. Legge, Esq. : — Eooks on Egypt and Chaldnsa. London.
Svo. 1899.
Vol. I. Egyptian Ideas of the Future Life. By E. A.
\Vallis Budge.
Vol. II. Egyptian Magic. By E. A. Wallis Budge.
Vol. III. Easy Lessons in Egyptian Hieroglyphics. By
E. A. Wallis Budge.
Vol. IV. Babylonian Religion and Mythology. By L. W.
King.
From the Author: — Prosser James, M.D. The Earliest Re-
corded Discovery of Thermal Springs. London. Svo. 1897.
Jonrjial of Balneology and Climatology^ October, 1S97.
The following Candidate was nominated for election at
the next Meeting in February : —
Arthur Mounfield, Button Street, Warrington.
It ^vas proposed by Mr. Thomas Christy, F.L.S., and seconded
by Mr. Joseph Pollard, that Articles 14 and 45 be altered.
That Article 14 shall now read : "The Council shall meet at
least half an hour before each meeting."
That Article 45 shall now read : " The Ordinary Meetings of the
Society shall be holden on any day in each month (except January),
from November to June, in each Session. The day and hour to be
fixed by the Council, and the Council shall meet at least half an
hour earlier on the same day, Passion, Easter, Whitsun, and
Christmas weeks excepted. It shall be in the power of the Council
to vary the commencement and duration of the Session as may be
necessary."
The Chairman having submitted the above resolution, it was
carried. ,
The Chairman announced that during the present year the
Meetings would be held on the Second Tuesday in the month, at
4.30 p.m.
2
Jan. 9.] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
SECRETARY'S REPORT
FOR THE YEAR 1899.
In submitting to you my twenty-first annual report, reference must be
again made to the severe losses the Society has suffered from the death
of some of its most distinguished members ; it has been a sad duty to
announce these losses from time to time. I cannot refrain from referring
to the death of one of our earliest members, Mrs. Bosancjuet, which took
place on the 23rd of December, To her husband, Mr. James Whatman
Bosanquet, the Society was indebted for much generous assistance in its
earlier years ; he was the first Treasurer, and held that office up to the
time of his death.
Although the number on the roll of Members has been fairly
retained, there is still m.uch more that might be done, if a deter-
mined effort was made to increase the number. There must be
many who would be willing, if only they were asked, to help us to
place a greater cjuantity of material, of a more varied character, in the
hands of scholars and students, and at the same time gain the opportunity
of reading it themselves. I have many times appealed to the whole
body of Members to assist the Society in this manner ; I again repeat
the appeal, in the hope that it may not be overlooked.
Tiae Twenty-ninth Session commenced in November, 1898, and the
present volume, like its immediate predecessors, includes the Proceedings
from January to December, 1899.
The papers read before the Society, and printed in this volume, will
be found not inferior in value and interest to those of former years, and
the best thanks of the Society are due to the many writers v.'ho have
thus contributed to the success of our meetings and publications.
Those printed in the volume of Proceedings for the year 1S99 are
as follows. I\Iany of them have been fully illustrated, and it will be
noted that the suggestion with reference to short notes has been vei-y
kindly responded to by a number of the Members. These add very
much to the interest of our publications, and I can only hope that it will
be possible to print a greater number of notes during the coming year :—
Prof. J. Lieblein :
In continuation of his paper entitled L'Exode des Hebreux, printed
in November last year, has given the completion of his examina-
tion of the subject (February, 1899).
3 A 2
Jan. 9] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1900.
The Bishop of Salisbury :
Placed the Society in possession of a full description of a most
interesting Coptic MS. presented to him by the Coptic Patriarch of
Alexandria (March).
It contains the Service of the Consecration of a Church, Altar, and
Tank, according to the ritual of the Coptic-Jacobite Church ; and it is
sincerely to be hoped that sufficient assistance will be forthcoming to
defray the cost of printing the whole of the MS.
The Rev. C. H. W. Johns :
A note on the Biblical account of Sennacherib's murder (May).
The Rev. Prof. Dr. Chevne :
The Land of Cabul (May) ; and again, notes on the Blessings of
Asher, Naphtali, and Joseph ; and on the Hebrew words "^^'li^t*^ and
l"l3n (June).
Joseph Offord :
Dancing worship (June).
]\Iiss M. Brodrick and Miss A. Anderson Morton :
An account, with diagrams and illustrations, of the Tomb of Pepi
Ankh (Khua) near Sharona (January).
J. Herbert Walker:
Note referring to the analysis of an Egyptian cosmetic (February).
Walter L. Nash:
A Scarab of Queen Aahmes, wife of Thothmes I (February).
Joseph Offord :
A portrait-statue of Psammetic-Neith, in the Gizeh Museum.
E. TowRY Whyte :
An account of a unique Egyptian bronze mummy-case for a fish, in
his collection (February).
Prof. Sayce {President) :
A new Egyptian king, the predecessor of Kheops (March) ; some
Old Empire Inscriptions from El-Kab (March) ; note on recent
discoveries at Karnak (March).
Joseph Offord :
Yanoem of the Menepthah Stele (March).
G. Willoughby Eraser :
Note on the Tomb of Pepi-ankh kua (March).
E. Towry Whyte :
•An Egyptian Musical Instrument in the collection of Mr. F. G.
Hilton Price, Dir. S.A. (March).
Walter L. Nash :
A cylinder of Pepi I, found at Erment (May).
W. H. RVLANDS :
Sketch of an engraved shell, formerly in the collection of Mr. Walter
Myers (May).
4
Jan. 9l PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
V. Legge :
An account of the recent discoveries at Abydos and Negadah, with
a number of illustrations of the objects found (June).
F. G. Hilton Price, Dir. S.A. :
Notes on some Egyptian deities : these include illustrations of
interesting examples of Apuat, Anupt, and Set, from figures in his
own collection (June;.
W. E. Crum :
Notes on the name Pachomius ;
" Above" and "Below" in Coptic ;
Egyptian " Orantes " (June).
F. Ll. Griffith :
1. Notes on Hieroglyphics, the Head, the Papyrus Roll, the Soldier ;
2. Transliteration of Demotic ;
3. Notes on Mythology, Eileithyia in Egypt, the god of Busiris,
Hermes Trismegistus (November).
General Hastings :
The XXHnd Egyptian Dynasty (November).
Percy E. Newberry :
Note on a new Egyptian King of the Xlllth Dynasty (November).
E. Towry Whyte :
Note on an Egyptian Bolt in his own collection (November).
Walter L. Nash :
Egyptian figures of Fish (December).
Percy E. Newberry :
Note on the Egyptian Persea Tree (December).
Prof. A. H. Sayce {President) :
The new Babylonian Chronological Tablet (January) ;
Contract from the country of Khana (January) ;
An early Babylonian document relating to the Shuhites (January).
Alfred Boissier :
Deux Fables Assyriennes, K. 3456 (January).
Rev. C. H. W. Johns :
Note on the words Adar and Sarin (February).
Prof. Dr. Fritz Hommel :
The continuation of his Assyriological Notes (March).
Rev. C. H. W. Johns :
Assyriological Notes (March).
Theophilus G. Pinches :
A new Babylonian King of the period of the first Dynasty of
Babylon, with incidental references to Immerum and Anmaniila
(May) ;
Major Mockler-Ferryman's tablet, giving the names of Temple
Overseers (May) ;
An interesting cylinder-seal, referring to the name Ninos (May).
5
Jan. 9] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. 1900.
Rev. C. H. \V. Johns :
Note on the official title lu-SU-pa-mes (May).
Joseph Offord :
Ashterotb-Karnaim (May).
Rev. C. H. W. Johns :
The Biblical account of Sennacherib's murder (May).
Rev. C. H. W. Johns :
Assyriologjcal Notes (June).
Joseph Offord :
On the name Chedorlaomer (June).
Rev. C. H. W. Johns :
Notes on Assyriology (November) ;
Note on „ (December).
Sir H. H. Howorth :
Ancient Babylonian Picture-Writing (December).
Stanley A. Cook :
Some recent Palmyrene Inscriptions (February).
Note on Palmyrene Inscriptions (May).
Dr. Hayes Ward :
The inscribed Stones from Hamath (Februaiy).
Prof. A. H. Sayce {^President) :
Hittite Notes (June).
Prof. Dr. Fritz Hommel :
Notes on the Hittite Inscription (June).
The Society was represented at the Congress of Orientalists, held at
Rome in September last, by Mr. Arthur Cates {Vice-Presidenf) and
Mr. F. Legge ; and an interesting account of the Meeting by Mr. Legge
will be found in the Proceedings for November.
It will have been noticed that some of the above papers and notes
were very completely illustrated ; this was only possible through the
kindness of Mr. Walter L. Nash, who with some considerable labour and
cost generously made all the photographs required for nearly the whole
of the illustrations in the present volume. Our best thanks are due to
him for this valuable assistance, which has enabled the Council to add
more and better plates than they would otherwise have been able to
publish.
As stated in my last report, it was to Mr. Nash that the Society was
indebted for the Index to the second scries of ten volumes of the Pro-
ceedings (XI to XX). This has now been printed, and I can only hope
that those Members who have not already assisted in the cost of printing-
it, by taking a copy, will not delay any longer. It must be remembered
that the labour of compiling the Index was a gift to the Society, and that
the Council wished if possible to be able to defray the cost of printing it
by subscription, without touching the ordinary funds of the Society.
6
Jan. 9] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
The necessary completion of the nine volumes of Transactions already
published, in the form of a complete Index to the whole series, making a
tenth volume, would render the contents much more available to both
scholars and students. Again the Society has been indebted to Mr.
Nash, who has prepared this Index, and presented the manuscript to the
Society. It is quite complete, and only waits, as stated in the circular
sent to all the members, the necessary number of subscribers to enable
the Council to have it printed.
The work so kindly undertaken by M. Naville, of completing
the late Pi'esident's translation of the Book of the Dead, is well in pro-
;gress, and it is hoped that in a short time the work of printing will
commence.
The number of kindred Societies with which publications are ex-
changed has been increased ; and it has been the special endeavour of the
Council to collect together as many as possible of the journals and other
publications containing matter relating to Biblical Archa;ology, in order
that they may be ready for reference by the members of the Society.
Many donations of books have been made by both members and authors,
to whom the best thanks of the Society are due for thus placing a number
of works within the reach of many to whom they may be of real service.
It is to be regretted that the funds at their disposal for this purpose are
aiot sufficient to allow the Council to make the Library as complete as
could be wished.
A list of many works especially wanted for the use of the Members
has been printed many times at the end of the Proceedings. This list is
necessarily altered from time to time, owing to the kind responses
made by the presentation of some of the books required. It is
sincerely to be hoped, for the benefit of those students who use our
Library, that those Members who have duplicate copies of those works
entered in the list, or others connected with the objects of the Society,
will present them, and thus give to students the opportunity and
benefit of using them.
Much inconvenience, and correspondence which should be unneces-
sary, has been caused by some Members not paying their subscriptions
regularly. I must call attention to the notices issued in the Proceedings
at the end of each year, one of which points out that the subscriptions
are due in advance in January. I need hardly point out that if subscrip-
tions are not paid regularly, difficulty and trouble occurs as to the amount
of money at the disposal of the Council.
The cost of printing the publications is necessarily very great, and it
surely ought to be unnecessary for me to point out year after year, that,
in order that the work may be properly carried out, liberal contributions
are to be desired from the Members.
At last I have the pleasure of announcing that owing to the kind
donations made by members of the Council and others, it has been
7
Jan. 9]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHiEOLOGY.
[1900.
£
.\'.
d.
25
0
0
20
0
0
10
0
0
5
0
0
5
0
0
5
0
0
3
3
0
one of the Honorary
possible to entirely remove the old printing debt, for which purpose the
following gifts were received : —
Anhur Caies (Vi'cc-Pr/^stWenl)
A. Peckover (Vt'ce-Presiden/)
Walter Morrison, M.P. [Vice-Presideyit)
F. D. Mocatta, {Vice-President)
Joseph Pollard
Rev. James Marshall ...
|. H. Tritton
We have also to thank M. P. J. de Horrack,
Members, for a donation of ^5 towards the general expenses.
The audited Statement of Receipts and E.xpenditure for the year
1899 shows that the funds available for that year have been ^718 \\s. 4^.,
and the expenditure for the same period has been ^653 \^s. \od. The
balance carried forward from 1898 was ^67 ']s. 5^/., and that from the
year just ended is ^64 18^. bd.
The Secretary having read the Report, a vote of thanks to the
Secretary was proposed by the Rev. J. Marshall, seconded by Mr. J.
Pollard, and carried.
The Statement of Accounts was read and explained by the Chairman.
It was proposed by the Chairman, seconded by Mr. J. Pollard, and
carried, that the Report and Statement of Accounts be received, adopted,
and printed.
Jan. 9]
PROCEEDINGS.
[1900.
The following Officers and Council for the current year
were elected : —
COUNCIL, 1900.
President,
PROF. A. II. SAYCE, LL.D., &c., &c.
Vice-Presidents.
The Most Rev. His Grace The Lord Archbishop of Vork,
The Most Hon. the Marquess of Bute, K.T., &c., &c.
The Right Hon. Lord Amherst of Hackney.
The Right Hon. Lord Halsbury.
Arthur Gates.
F. D. Mocatta, F.S.A., Sec.
Walter Morrison, M.P.
Sir Charles Nicholson, Bart., D.C.L., M.D., &c.
Alexander Peckover, LL.D., F.S.A.
Rev. George Rav^tlinsox, D.D. (Canon of Canterbury).
The Right Rev. S. W. Allen, D.D, (R.C. Bishop of Shrewsbury).
General Sir Charles Warren, G.C.M.G., &c., &c.
Council.
Rev. Charles James Ball, M.A.
Rev, Prof. T. K. Cheyne, D.D.
Thomas Christy, F.L.S.
Dr. J. Hall Gladstone, F.R.S.
F. Ll. Griffith, F.S.A.
Gray Hill.
F. Legge,
Rev. Albert Lowy, LL.D., &c.
Rev. James Marshall, M.A.
Prof. G. Maspero.
Claude G. Montefiore.
Prof. E. Naville.
J. Pollard.
Edward B. Tylor, LL.D.,
F.R.S., &c.
Honorary Treasurer,
Bernard T. Bosanquet.
Secretary.
W. Harry Rylands, F.S.A.
Hon, Secretary for Foreign Correspondence.
Rev. R. Gwynne, B.A.
Honorary Librarian.
W. Harry Rylands {pro. tem.).
9
Jan. 9] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.-EOLOGY. [1900.
BIBLICAL CHRONOLOGY.
Bv Major-General F. E. Hastings, C.B.
The Historical Period, Kings, Judges.
"Within the historical period we would include the entire interval
from the passage of the Jordan by the Israelites under Joshua, to the
capture of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar. The chronology of this
period can, we believe, be established in a perfectly satisfactory
manner from Biblical sources, and since the date of the fall of
Jerusalem can be demonstrated by means of statements contained
in the Scriptures and in Ptolemy's canon, it follows that, if successful,
we arrive at so remote a date as that of the Exodus from Egypt with
a considerable amount of precision, more than has yet been accorded
to any date hypothecated to that event.
Owing to the dissimilarity between the solar year of the modern
calendar of civihsed nations, consisting of twelve months of prac-
tically uniform duration, and the Hebrew computation with its year
of fluctuating length, requiring an additional month every third year
at the most, it is not to be expected that the Hebrews, and conse-
quently their historians, regarded a year, or a number of years, in
precisely the same sense as we do at the present day. In conse-
(juence of the unvarying length of the solar year we are able to
reckon from any date in one year to the same date in any other,
and to express the interval as so many years, with the understanding
that the period amounts to multiples of twelve months equal to the
given number of years. It is evident from the peculiarities of a
soli-lunar method of computing time, the Israelites could not have
calculated years in the same manner ; the occurrence of an embolismic
month every third year, and occasionally oftener, would have inter-
rupted and disturbed the calculation. It follows, therefore, before
we can expect to form a correct idea of the various periods men-
tioned in Scripture, from the entrance into Palestine to the capture
of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar, it is requisite first to ascertain the
J o
JAX. 9]
TROCEEDINGS.
[1900.
precise meaning attached to the term "year" by the historians who
chronicled the events recorded in this interval.
The necessity for this course is at once apparent, if we for a
moment compare the duration of the reigns of the kings of Israel
and Judah from the commencement of the rupture which followed
on the death of Solomon, to the deaths of Ahaziah of Judah and
Jehoram of Israel. We have in these events points in which the
histories of the two kingdoms synchronize. In the first, the disrup-
tion of the kingdom took place almost immediately after the death
of Solomon, on the occasion of Rehoboam's visit to Shechem, to be
there acknowledged as king by the tribes of Israel ; in the second,
Ahaziah and Jehoram met their deaths at the hands of Jehu within
a few days, if not hours, of each other. Notwithstanding the con-
currence of the events which mark the commencement and end of
this portion of their history, the terms of the reigns of the kings of
Judah and Israel during this period, as recorded in the Scriptures,
amount to ninety-five and ninety-eight years respectively. Their
several reigns are as shown below, omitting Zimri's usurpation of
seven da)'s as immaterial to chronology : —
House of Israel.
House
of Judah.
Rthoboam
17 years
Abijah ...
•->
0 55
Asa
... 41 ,,
Jehoshaphat
••• 25 „
Jehoram ...
8 „
Ahaziah ...
1 „
Total
95 years
Jeroboam
22 years
Nadab ...
0
Baasha ...
.. 24 „
Elah
2
Omri
12 ,,
Ahab* ...
22 ,,
Ahaziah ...
2 ,,
Jehoram...
12 „
Total
. 98 years
How is the discrepancy to be reconciled ?
' The reign of Zedekiah, the last king of Judah, is stated in three
passages to have lasted eleven years.f In each instance his acces-
sion and length of reign are given in identical terms: "Zedekiah
■'• I Kings xvi, ,29. That the accuracy of this passage is more than doubtful
is demonstrated by others, viz., i Kings xxii, 40, 41, 51, and 2 Kings iii, I.
These latter harmonize with each other ; the first agrees with none.
+ 2 Kings xxiv, 18 ; 2 Chron. xxxvi, 11 ; Jeremiah Hi, i.
II
Jan. 9] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1900.
was twenty and one years old when he began to reign, and he
reigned eleven years in Jerusalem." In the books of Kings and
Jeremiah further particulars are given, by which we find that the
eleventh year did not extend beyond four months and nine days,
" So the city was besieged unto the eleventh year of King Zedekiah,
On the ninth day of the fourth month,"* etc. Again, it is recorded
with respect to the siege of Samaria, that Shalmaneser besieged
Samaria and took it " at the end of three years ";t though the siege
is stated to have commenced in the fourth year, and to have ter-
minated in the sixth year of Hezekiah's reign, which years, it is
further stated, corresponded to the seventh and ninth of Hosea's,t
so that its actual duration was about two years, according to our
ideas. Also, since certain years of Hezekiah's reign are mentioned
as concurrent with certain years of Hosea's, it is manifest that the
years of each king's reign were reckoned from the same starting
point, that is, they began simultaneously from the same day. Again,
to take a reign coming soon after the commencement of the divided
monarchy, it is stated that Abijah, the son of Rehoboam, reigned
three years, he having succeeded his father in the eighteenth, and
was succeeded by his son in the twentieth, of Jeroboam ;§ from
which account we perceive that the actual duration of his reign
could only have extended to something over two years, though it is
recorded as three. Once more, of Nadab it is said that he began to
reign in the second year of Asa, and was killed and succeeded by
Baasha in Asa's third year, and that he reigned two years ; \\ similarly
in the case of Elah, the son of Baasha. IF
From a consideration of these examples, it appears that HebreW
writers reckoned, not the actual duration of a reign from its com-
mencement to its close, but the years of their current reckoning in
which a king reigned, inclusive of both the first and last ; and
recorded the number so obtained as the length of his reign ;** in
* 2 Kings XXV, 2, 3 ; Jeremiah Hi, 5, 6. +2 Kings xviii, 9, 10.
X There is a difficuhy in connection with these years, which need not be dealt
with in this place.
§ I Kings XV, I, 2, 8, 9. || I Kings w, 25, 28. 1 i Kings xvi, 8, 10.
** Dr. Angus, in the Bible Handbook, p. 217, remarks as iollows on this
peculiarity of Hebrew writers : — "Jewish historians, for example, speak of the
reign of a king which is continued through one year and parts of two others, as a
three-years' reign." Also in Sir W. Smith's Dictionary of the Bible, Art. Day,
we find, " By the Jewish rule of inclusive counting, one day of a year is counted
as a whole year."
I 2
Jan. 9] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
cases where intermediate years are mentioned, as in the instance
of Hezekiah and Hosea, those of their existing computation are
referred to. From this method of inclusive reckoning, it follows
that, in most instances, a king is credited with one year more
than he actually reigned, according to modern ideas, and also
that the year which saw the conclusion of one king's reign and
the commencement of his successor's, would be reckoned twice,
consequently any chronology based on the lengths of the reigns
of the kings of Judah and Israel, taken absolutely, must err by
excess.
It also, of necessity, follows that the years of a king's reign were
calculated from the first day of the year of his accession, that is from
the first of Nisan, for in the Scriptural record the sacred, and not
the civil, year is recognised,* and similarly with other definite
periods, such as the administration of the judges, terms of servitude,
and so on. These conclusions are further established by the mention
of the months Zif, Bui and Ethanim, in connection with the building
of Solomon's temple and its subsequent dedication ;t these were the
second, eighth and seventh respectively of the sacred year. Also
with respect to the siege of Samaria ; the siege was commenced in
the fourth year of Hezekiah's reign and concluded at the end of his
sixth year, hence it is stated the city was taken "at the end of three
years." A yet further confirmation is to be found in the book of the
f-rophet Ezekiel, in which it will be seen that the years of Jehoiachin's
There are instances of this mode of computation in comparatively recent times.
On the introduction of the Julian year by Caesar, it was directed that every fourth
year should be leap year, or bissextile. The priests, who were responsible for
the calendar, understood this instruction to mean four years, inclusive of two leap
years, consequently they made every third year bissextile, an error which was
corrected by Augustus ; in effect the augurs reckoned three years as four.
The most striking example of any is, perhaps, to be found in the New Testa-
ment ; the period during which the Son of God was subjected to the power of
death is invariably described as three days, its actual duration being about forty
hours, that is, one entire day and portions of two others.
* " In the first month, which is the month Nisan the twelfth month,
which is the month Adar " (Esther iii, 7). " But it is the almost invariable
practice of Jewish writers to date the years of their kings from the first (Jewish)
day or first Nisan of the year in which the actual epoch occurred." Browne's
■Ordo Saccloriim, p. 27. In thus acting Hebrew chroniclers anticipated, by a
matter of fifteen centuries or more, Ptolemy's principle of dating the reigns of
the kings recorded in his canon from the first day of the Egyptian year.
t I Kings vi, I, 38 ; viii, 2.
Jan. 9] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1900.
captivity are reckoned coincidently with those of Zedekiah's reign,
as may be perceived by a comparison of Ezekiel i, 2 ; xxiv, i ; xxxiii,
21 ; and 2 Kings xxv, i.
Before approaching the chronology of the period of the judges
and early kings, it will be convenient first to take under considera-
tion the reigns of the kings of Judah and Israel from the epoch of
the division of the kingdom, in order clearly to demonstrate these
characteristics of the sacred record, which is rendered possible by
the parallel history of the two kingdoms.
There is one more circumstance to which due consideration
should be given in extracting the chronology of the period covered
by the duration of the kingdoms of Judah and Israel. That the
historical books of the Scriptures are not free from contradictions
is a matter which does not admit of uncertainty ; from whatever
cause arising, we meet with statements that are incompatible.* Some
of these are comparatively simple, as for instance that respecting
Ahaziah, the grandson of Jehoshaphat ; in one passage his age is
given as twenty-two at his accession,! in another as forty-two;! but
the latter statement is obviously an error, for it makes him older
than his father. Others, again, are more intricate, for example, the
particulars regarding Jehoram, king of Israel, in 2 Kings i, 17 and
iii, I. Jehoram, the son of Jehoshaphat, was associated with his
father on the throne, and from these passages it would be inferred
that Jehoram of Israel succeeded his brother in the second year of
Jehoram of Judah's co-sovereignty, but this conclusion is inadmis-
sible in the face of 2 Kings viii, 16, where we learn that it was in
the fifth year of the reign of Jehoram of Israel, that the son of
Jehoshaphat was admitted to a share in the government with his
father. Again, Ahaz, king of Judah, reigned sixteen years ;§ in his
twelfth year Hoshea ascended the throne of Israel, [| and in the third
year of the latter Hezekiah succeeded his father Ahaz.^ These
statements are inconsistent, and it is evident that in both these cases
there must be some inaccuracy, which may be either clerical or.
* "It is well known that the text of Samuel, Kings, and Chronicles is in a
worse condition than that of any other of the inspired writings ; nor must we
ascribe to the author what is really due to the errors of copyists." {The Bible
Handbook, p. 434.)
t 2 Kings viii, 26. :;: 2 Chron. xxii, 2, § 2 Kings xvi, 2.
II 2 Kings xvii, i, Tf 2 Kings xviii, I.
14
Jan. 9] I'ROCEEDINGS. [1900.
since the historian is a Jewish one, the inexactness may be in respect
to the part taken in the narrative by the king of Israel.* Hence we
conclude that chronology must be based on the history of the kings
of Judah, rather than that of the kings of Israel, and this conclusion
is supported by the circumstance that, as we approach the epoch cf
the termination of the kingdom of Israel, the records concerning that
kingdom become increasingly confused and involved ; the disorder
of the time is manifested in the history of the period. f We may also
expect, if this interpretation of the Hebrew system of computaLion
be correct, to find the detection of corruptions which have crept
into the text will be facilitated, inasmuch as the true reading will be
rendered more apparent.
We can now resume the examination of the history of the divided
monarchy, from the death of Solomon to the successful usurpation of
Jehu. For the better understanding of this portion of our subject,
it is requisite to adopt a succession of years which shall be indepen-
dent of the reigns of these two lines of kings, but to which each can
be referred, and which may be conveniently termed the Era of the
* The length of the reign of Ahab, already referred to, is another instance ;
note also 2 Chron. xvi, i. Baasha di^d in the 26th of Asa (l Kings xvi, 8).
There are also references to records of the kingdom of Israel which are lost ; for
example : "now the rest of the acts of Nadab and all that he did, are they not
written in the book of the chronicles of the kings of Israel?" and so on with
others.
t These statements may appear to traverse the views of some regarding the
inspiration of Scripture, or rather that particular view which holds the verbal
inspiration of every passage. Such an opinion, doubtless, is applicable to the
prophetical portions of the Bible, but to receive it as pertinent to the historical
books is not borne out by Scripture itself. The question is too large a one to be
adequately treated within the limits of a note, but it may be pointed out that the
historical books, as they now exist, are compilations, the materials for which were
taken from works previously extant. We have mention of the books of Jasher,
Samuel, Nathan, Gad, Abijah, Iddo, Shemaiah, Jehu, Isaiah, of the kings of
Israel, besides other evidences that the books, as they now are, were written, in
some cases, long after the occurrence of the events recorded in them. Considered
as a history, the Scriptural record is peculiarly incomplete ; great prominence is
given to certain periods or incidents, as the reigns of Saul, David, or Solomon,
the exploits of Samson, while the barest possible mention is given to long periods
of history. It would appear, therefore, that the inspiration of this portion of the
Scriptures lay in the selection by the writer of those facts which the wisdom cf
God directed should be preserved for our instruction, the materials at his disposal
being, however, historical. The difficulties attending the history of the kingdom
of Israel, and their absence from the records of the kingdom of Judah, can not be
accounted for in any other way.
15
Jan. 9] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII.^iOLOGY. [1900.
Dinarchy, the first year of which would be identical with the first of
the reigns of Rehoboam and Jeroboam.
The accompanying historical table exhibits the succession of the
-sovereigns of the two kingdoms ; the years in which the several
monarchs began and ceased to reign, in respect to each other ; with
the years of the era common to both. It reconciles the reigns of the
two houses, is in agreement with every statement in the Scriptural
record connected with the duration of the reigns of the kings of
ludah;* and with those of the kings of Israel, excepting the length
of Jeroboam's tenure of the throne.f We learn that Rehoboam's
decease occurred at the end of the year, for he reigned seventeen
years, and Abijah's accession is placed in the eighteenth of Jeroboam,
also that Jeroboam and Ahab reigned twenty-one and twenty years
respectively, instead of twenty-two each, and that the entire period
of this first portion of the history of the divided monarchy extended
to eighty-eight years.
An examination of this table will demonstrate the method in
which Hebrew writers calculated and recorded the years of their
history, the principles of which have already been affirmed. Abijah's
three years corresponded to the whole of Jerobo.im's eighteenth,
iiineteenth and a portion of his twentieth. Nadab's two years may
liave been six months, though it was probably more ; he began to
reign in the second year of Asa, corresponding to the twenty-first of
the era, and was assassinated by Baasha in the following year, third
of Asa, or twenty-second of the era. Similarly, Elah's two years
amount to no more than that his reign began in one year and ended
in the next. The reign of Jehoram, the son and successor of
Tehoshaphat, falls naturally into its place, the first four years of his
reign having been coincident with the last four of his father's.
Ahaziah's brief term of sovereignty began and ended in the same
year, hence his reign is reckoned as one year. J This year may be
said to be reckoned three times over, once as the last of Jehoram,
once as Ahaziah's sole year, and subsequently as the first of his
successor, Athaliah.
* 2 Kings i, 17, cannot be reconciled with 2 Kings viii, 16. The corres-
ponck-nce in the table establishes the accuracy of the latter text.
t That Ahab could not have reigned twenty-two years is, as has been pointed
out, an incontrovertible conclusion from Scripture itself.
X Exceptions appear to be made in instances where reigns did not exceed
six months' duration, as in the cases of Zechariah, Shallum, Jehoahaz and Jehoia-
chin, whose reigns are given in months.
i6
Jan. 9]
PROCEEDINGS.
[1900.
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SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
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Jan. 9]
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PROCEEDINGS.
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Jan. 9] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. | [igoc
Having established the method in which Hebrew historians-
recorded the years of their chronicles, it is possible now to enter
upon the consideration of the longer period from the usurpations of
Jehu and Athaliah to the fall of Jerusalem, embracing a period of
nearly three centuries, with some degree of confidence in the general
accuracy of our conclusions.
The history of the kingdom of Judah presents no special diffi-
culty ; the succession of sovereigns proceeds in unbroken order ; at
one point only is there a suggestion of uncertainty, namely, at the
accession of Uzziah, or as he is otherwise named, Azariah : " And
all the people of Judah took Azariah, who was sixteen years old, and
made him king in the room of his father, Amaziah."* His subjects
conspired against Amaziah and put him to death, after which they
placed Azariah on the throne. There is no hint of a deferred suc-
cession, but rather the contrary ; being old enough to reign, he was
raised to the throne without delay. The obscurity arises from the
following passage : " In the twenty and seventh year of Jeroboam, king
of Israel, began Azariah, the son of Amaziah, king of Judah, to reign."t
Amaziah reigned twenty-nine years, and in his fifteenth year
Jeroboam the Second succeeded to the throne of Israel, conse-
quently Azariah succeeded in the fifteenth of Jeroboam, not the
twenty-seventh, unless we admit an interregnum of twelve years, a
supposition which is inconsistent with the sacred narrative, and for
which there is no other evidence. There is, however, an explanation
of the corruption which removes the ambiguity. Jeroboam reigned
forty-one years, consequently his fifteenth year was also his
twenty-seventh, reckoned backwards from the end of his reign ;t
and it would seem that through some cause, possibly the mis-
judgment of a copyist, the one ordinal has been substituted for the
other. Another reason for rejecting the possibility of there
having been an interregnum prior to the accession of Azariah
may be found in the circumstance that if this be allowed, the
interruption in the succession of the kings of Israel which followed
on the death of Jeroboam II must be extended to twenty-three
years, a more than sufficient difficulty in itself, and involving an
addition of twelve years to the chronology of the period from the
Exodus down to the Fall of Jerusalem, which is inadmissible.
* 2 Kings xlv, 21 ; 2 Chron. xwi, i.
t 2 Kings XV, I.
X Ordo Sacclorum, p. 239.
20
Jan. 9] TROCEEDINGS. [190c.
There is also a certain amount of intricacy connected with the
reigns of the kings who succeeded Josiah. Josiah was followed by
Jehoahaz, whose brief reign lasted three months only. The death of
Josiah, the accession of Jehoahaz and of his successor Jehoiakim, all
three might therefore have occurred in the same year ; the question
is to determine whether this was the case or not. In the book of
Jeremiah xxv, 1-3, we find that the fourth year of Jehoiakim was the
twenty-third inclusive, reckoned from the thirteenth of Josiah, and
consequently the thirty-fifth from Josiah's accession; hence Jehoiakim's
first year coincided with Josiah's thirty-second; but since Josiah
reigned thirty-one years only, his last year may be considered to
include the three months of Jehoahaz, whose reign thus closed
the year, and Jehoiakim's accession followed with the succeeding
year.
The reign of Jehoiakim's successor, Jehoiachin, and the accession
of Zedekiah is determined by a similar process. The book of Ezekiel
opens with the statement that the fifth year of Jehoiachin's captivity
coincided with the thirtieth year from some epoch. This reckoning
was made from the year of the great passover, which was held in the
eighteenth of Josiah.* Since Jehoiachin's captivity synchronized
with Zedekiah's reign, f the fifth year of Zedekiah also corresponds
to this thirtieth year, and his first with the twenty-sixth from the
same date, but the last of Jehoiakim is the twenty-fifth from the
great passover ; we may therefore conclude that Jehoiachin's reign
■of three months, or three months and ten days.J coincided with the
close of that year, a deduction which is confirmed by the years
accorded to the reign of Nebuchadnezzar.
Jehoiachin's captivity lasted thirty-seven years.§ On the twenty-
seventh day of the twelfth month he was released from imprisonment
and treated with kindness by Evil Merodach, king of Babylon, in the
year of the latter's accession. This event, according to Ptolemy,
dates from the nth of January, b.c. 561. Ptolemy commences
the reigns of the monarchs in his Canon from the first day of the
Egyptian year, consequently Ilvarodamus or Evil Merodach may
* 2 Kings xxiii, 23. Ordo Saeclorum, p. 167.
t On making Jehoiachin a prisoner, Nebuchadnezzar placed Zedekiah on
the throne of Judah ; 2 Kings xxiv, 15, 17. See also and compare 2 Kings
xxv, I, with Ezekiel xxiv, i, 2.
t 2 Chronicles xxxvi, 9.
§ 2 Kings xxv, 27 ; Jeremiah lii, 31.
21
Jan. 9] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHyEOLOGV. [1900.
have succeeded to the throne of Babylon late in the year B.C. 56 1^
in which case Jehoiachin's liberation took place in the spring of
n.c. 560, the twelfth month of the Jewish year corresponding to
February-March. On the other hand, if Evil Merodach was actually-
regnant early in the year before the first of Nisan, the thirty-seventh
year of Jehoiachin's imprisonment came to its completion in February-
March, B.C. 561. The Scriptural account is very concise, and admits
of either supposition, although it may be said to give the impression
that Jehoiachin's release was an act of clemency shown by Evil
Merodach at the commencement of his reign, and thus favours the
latter view rather than the former. This conclusion is supported by
the statement of Josephus, that " after the death of Nebuchadnezzar^
Evil Merodach his son succeeded in the kingdom, who immediately
set Jeconiah at liberty, and esteemed him amongst his most intimate
friends."* Hales also cites a Jewish tradition to the effect that Evil
Merodach had been imprisoned by his father, during which confine-
ment he formed an intimacy with Jehoiachin.f
So far the evidence is in favour of Jehoiachin's captivity being
brought to a close in the year b.c. 561, but the point is an important
one and requires substantiation. The two alternatives may be thus
stated : —
The thirty-seventh year of Jehoiachin's captivity closed B.C. 561
or 560.
His first began, also the first of Zedekiah's reign, B.C. 598 or 597.
Zedekiah's eleventh, and fall of Jerusalem, B.C. 588 or 587.
The book of Daniel commences with the following words : " In
the third year of Jehoiakim, king of Judah, came Nebuchadnezzar,,
king of Babylon, unto Jerusalem and besieged it." J The same
event is referred to in 2 Kings xxiv, i, and 2 Chronicles xxxvi, 6,
from which several accounts we may conclude that Jehoiakim sub-
mitted to Nebuchadnezzar, who confirmed him in his kingdom as a
dependent sovereign, and contented himself with plunder from the
temple and a number of prisoners, amongst whom were Daniel and
• " Antiquities," X, XI, 2.
t Hale's " Analysis," Vol. II, Seventh Period.
t Daniel here speaks of Nebuchadnezzar as king before he began to reign ;
compare Daniel i, 1,5, 18, with ii, i. It is necessary to note this in order to
avoid confusion in what follows.
22
Jan. 9] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
his companions. Jeremiah informs us that Jehoiakim's fourth year
was also the first of Nebuchadnezzar,* from which statement it is
manifest that Nebuchadnezzar's reign was computed by Jeremiah,
and by the writer of the second book of Kings, probably Jeremiah
himself, from the first of Nisan which marked the commencement of
Jehoiakim's fourth year ; also that the years of Nebuchadnezzar's
reign, as stated by them, were reckoned coincidently with, and
precisely in the same manner as that of their own kings, a presump-
tion which is corroborated by other passages, as for instance those in
which the tenth and eleventh years of Zedekiah are stated to corre-
spond to the eighteenth and nineteenth of Nebuchadnezzar;! for if
consecutive years of two monarchs correspond, they must, of necessity
be reckoned from the same date.
Daniel and his associates were taken prisoners in the third year
of Jehoiakim's reign, and allowing time for the journey, it may be
concluded they reached Babylon the end of that year, or early in the
year following. For three years they were educated for the king's
service, at the end of which they went through an examination, and
were finally admitted to his presence. J Then these three years of
probation coincided with the fourth, fifth and sixth of Jehoiakim's
reign. In the second year of Nebuchadnezzar he dreamt his dream,
which Daniel was eventually called upon to reveal and interpret. §
Daniel, at Babylon, would obviously be ignorant of the reckoning for
Nebuchadnezzar's reign adopted by Jeremiah, and even if he became
acquainted with it in after years, which no doubt he did,|| he would
still have recorded the years of Nebuchadnezzar's reign as he knew
them to be ; we may therefore expect to find his reckoning identical,
not with that of Jeremiah, but with that of Ptolemy, who places the
commencement of Nebuchadnezzar's re'gn in January, B.C. 604.
The third year of Daniel's pupilage then corresponds to this first of
Nebuchadnezzar fA it also agrees with the sixth of Jehoiakim, conse-
quently the fourth of Jehoiakim, and with it the first of Nebuchad-
nezzar according to the computation followed by Jeremiah and the
* Jeremiah xxv, i. +2 Kings xxv, 8 ; Jeremiah xxxii, i.
Ij: Daniel i, 5, 18, 19. § Daniel ii, I. || Daniel ix, 2.
% If one or more years be allowed to have elapsed between Daniel's pro-
bation and Nebuchadnezzar's accession, the fourth of Jehoiakim will be thrown,
to a corresponding extent, still farther back ; if the second year of his probation
corresponded to the first of Nebuchadnezzar, Daniel's interpretation of the drenm
was delivered while he was yet a pupil. Neither supposition is tenable.
23
Jan. 9]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY.
[1900.
compiler of the second book of Kings, falls two years earlier, in
B.C. 606.*
In the account of the siege and capture of Jerusalem contained
in 2 Kings xxv, we are told the city was taken in the eleventh year
of Zedekiah, which is also stated to have been the nineteenth of
Nebuchadnezzar. Since the first of Nebuchadnezzar is placed in
n.c. 606, the nineteenth necessarily falls in B.C. 588, and this result
is in harmony with that previously derived from the calculation
based on the duration of Jehoiachin's captivity, the thirty-seventh
year of which accordingly came to a close early in the year b c. 561.!
We may here conveniently review a number of chronological
statements contained in the Scriptures, and compare them with the
results set forth in the historical table.
T.
4th year of Jehoiakimj =
nth year of Zedekiah!^ =
I St of Nebuchadnezzar,
19th of Nebuchadnezzar.
4th year of Jehoiakim
nth year of Zedekiah
Table
= 361
= 379)
19 years.
A diagram will render this calculation clearer :
B.C.
Nebuchadnezzar after
Daniel and Ptolemy.
Daniel's Pupilage and
Nebuchadnezzar after Jeremiah.
Jehoia-
kim.
609
608
607
606
605
604
60J
Jerusalem besieged, Jehoi
I
2 Daniel in
ikim submits to Nebuchadnezzar.
I
2
3
terprets
I
2
3
4
5
6
The first of Jehoiakim in B.C. 609 also agrees with the result already arrived at
on other grounds.
t If Nebuchadnezzar's 19th year be calculated from Ptolemy's date, B.C.
604, it would fall in n.c. 586, a year which it is impossible to reconcile with the
eckoning based on the length of Jehoiachin's imprisonment.
t Jeremiah xxv, i. § 2 Kings xxv, 2, 8.
Jan. 9] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
II.
4th year of Jehbiakim = ist of Nebuchadnezzar,
nth year of Jehoiakim* = 8th of Nebuchadnezzar.
3 months of Jehoiachin = 8th of Nebuchadnezzar.
Table.
4th year of Jehoiakim = 361 "j
iTth year of Jehoiakim = 368 ^=8 years.
3 months of Jehoiachin = 368 J
III.
From the 13th year of Josiah to the 4th year of Jehoiakim there
are twenty-three years, t
Table,
13th of Josiah = 339 ■[
4th year of Jeohoiakim = 361 / ~~ ■^ ■^
IV.
From the iSth year of Josiah, the year of the great passover,
to the 5th year of Zedekiah there extend thirty years. J
Table.
1 8th year of Josiah = 344 "1
5th year of Zedekiah = 373/"^
Amaziah king of Judah survived Joash king of Israel fifteen
years. §
Table.
= 1471
= 161 /
Joash died
Amaziah died = i6i(~ -^ ^
We can now proceed to a consideration of the period extending
from the passage of the Jordan to the death of Solomon. The first
date which it is possible to establish, after the entry into Palestine, is
that of the partition of the country amongst the tribes, which was
* 2 Kings, xxiv, 12. f Jeremiah xxv, 3.
J Ezekiel i, I, 2. § 2 Chronicles xxv, 25.
25
Jan. 9] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1900.
completed in the seventh year after crossing the river, the interval
having been taken up with the conquest of the inhabitants. To
determine this year it is necessary to refer to the period of the
wandering in the wilderness. It is recorded that Caleb was eighty-
five years of age when the division of the land was made, and that
he was forty years old when he had been sent by Moses from Kadesh
Barnea as one of the spies to ascertain the state of the country.*
The despatch and return of the spies took place from about sixteen
to eighteen months after the departure from Egypt.t
In the second month of the second year the camp was struck and
the Israelites moved from Sinai ; eleven days marching brought them
to Kadesh Barnea, | which place appears to have been their head-
quarters during the forty years of the wanderings ; but allowances
have to be made for halts on the way ; a month at Kibroth
Hattaavah ; seven days more for the term of Miriam's exclusion from
the camp ; possibly a few days more for unrecorded detentions ; §
altogether about two months at the least, or to the middle of the
fourth month. Allowing a few days at Kadesh before setting out,
the departure of the spies may be received as having occurred about
the end of July ; this would agree with the statement that they
started on their mission at " the time of the first ripe grapes.|| Their
absence continued, forty days, consequently their return took place
not long after the ist of September, or about eighteen months from
the time of their leaving Egypt. Forty-five years having elapsed
since the despatch of the spies, it follows that Caleb's appeal ta
Joshua was made forty-six and a half years after the Exodus, or in
the seventh year after crossing the Jordan. The partition of the
country may be considered to have been completed in the same year,
for we are informed that the " children of Israel divided the land " ;
also tliat " the land had rest from war."1I
The next chronological statement to be found is that of the
duration of the first servitude, which lasted eight years ; ** but of the
interval separating it from the division of the land, there is no
specification. Joshua died at the age of one hundred and ten
years,tt and we have also the record that "the people served the
Lord all the days of Joshua, and all the days of the elders that out-
lived Joshua,"! J Joshua was a contemporary of Caleb, and at the
Joshua xiv, 7-10. t Numbers x-xiii, 25. t Deuteronomy i, 2.
§ Numbers xi, 35. || Numbers xiii, 20. IT Joshua xiv, 5, 15.
*• Judges iii, 8. ft Joshua xxiv, 29 ; Judges ii, 8, +J Judges ii, 7.
26
Jan, 9] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
time of the Exodus comparatively a young man,* that is compared
with Moses, for he was old enough to have been entrusted with the
command of the fighting men of Israel in their encounter at
Rephidim with the Amalekites.
If then we assume Joshua's age to have been forty-five at that
time, he would have been eighty-five at the passage of the Jordan,
and his death would occur twenty-five years later. Joshua and
Caleb, at the time of their entry into the land of promise, were the
sole survivors of a previous generation ; of their contemporaries all
whose ages were of twenty years and upwards in the second year of
the wanderings died in the wilderness ; f then the elders who
survived Joshua were about twenty-seven years his junior, con-
sequently about eighty-three years of age at his death. Allowing for
the decrease in the duration of human fife, which had not yet fallen to
the limit of " three score years and ten," we may assume these elders
to have lived to attain the age of about ninety-five to a hundred
years ; therefore we may allow forty years approximately to extend
over the interval from the entry into Palestine to the commencement
of the first servitude. Such a conclusion agrees with the account of
Josephus, X who allots to Joshua twenty-five years of life after cross-
ing the Jordan, five of which he assigns to the conquest of the
country ; and eighteen years to the elders who survived him. But
although there is an absence of any direct statement of the length of
this interval in the Old Testament, there is the declaration of St. Paul
that "about" four hundred and fifty years stretched from the division
of the country amongst the tribes to Samuel. § He also states that
the duration of the wanderings was "about" forty years; and since
we have testimony that this latter term was precisely forty years, it is
not unreasonable to suppose that the four hundred and fifty years
was also an exact period, which extended to the death of Eli, for
Samuel's administration cannot be reckoned to have commenced
before that event, though it may be considered to have dated from it.||
* Exodus xxxiii, II. t Numbers xiv, 22, 23, 28-33 ' ^xvi, 64, 65.
X Antiquities, V, I, 19, 29; F7, V, 4. Chronological statements of Josephus
cannot be accepted unreservedly, but in this instance he is corroborated by
St. Paul.
§ Acts xiii, 19, 20. There is a difficulty here of the text, the nature or
which will be perceived by a comparison of the Authorised and Revised Versions.
Othniel, the nephew and son-in-law of Caleb was the first judge, from which
circumstance we see the intention of the passage is correctly rendered in the
Authorised Version. || i Samuel vii, 15.
27
Jan. 9]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
[19CO.
The several periods of servitude and of the rule of the judges
call for no special remark, until we arrive at the sixth servitude,
which continued forty years, but we are left to infer the manner in
which deliverance was effected, and the event which marked its
close. Concurrently with the sixth servitude we have the history of
Samson.* He was not born until after the commencement of this
servitude, while his rule of twenty years was included within it ; his
judgeship was not a period of independent national life, but was
passed under the supremacy of the Philistines ; that deliverance
which he was unable to accomplish during his unfettered lifetime, he
wrought at the moment of his death, for among the three thousand
and more of men and women who perished with him, were " all
the lords of the Philistines"! The destruction of the leading men
of the Philistines terminated the sixth servitude, which was followed
))y the administration of Eli for a period of forty years.
The accompanying Table includes tlie period from the Exodus to the death of
Solomon, the years being reckened inclusively as in the Table of the kings, and
four hundred and fifty years being allotted to the period from the division of the
and to the death of Eli. All the Scriptural statements respecting the duration of
the periods of servitude and of the administrations of the judges come within this
term, and thirty-eight years remain to cover the interval between the partition of
the country and the first servitude, which is the exact amount assigned to that
period by Josephus.
The Table gives the division of the land in the 47th year from the Exodus, and
the death of Eli in the 496th, or 450 years.
TABLE II.
From the Exodus to the death of Solomon.
Years
Years.
Judges, etc.
Inter-
mediate.
Authorities, etc.
40
The entry into Palestine ...
40
Deut. i, 3 ; Joshua iv, 19.
47
Division of the land
7
Num. X, ri-13; xiii, 20-25;
Joshua xiv. 7, 10.
84
Joshua and the elders
38
Acts xiii, 19. Leaves 38 years
for Joshua and the elders.
9«
First servitude ; Assyrian ...
8
Judges iii, 8.
130
Othniel
40
Judges iii, 9, II.
147
Second servitude ; Moab ...
18
Judges iii, 14.
226
Ehud
80
Judges iii, 15, 30.
'P
Third servitude ; Jabin
20
Judges iv, 2, 3
284
Deborah
40
Judges iv, 4 ; v, 31.
• Judges xiii, i, 5, 24 ; xv, 20 ; xvi, 31.
28
t Judges xvi, 27-30.
Jan. 9]
PROCEEDINGS.
[19CO.
Years.
Judges, etc.
Years
Inter-
mediate.
Authorities, etc.
290
329
331
353
374
391
396
402
411
418
457
496
51S
523
562
601
640
1018
Fourth servitude ; Midian ..
Gideon
Abimelech. ...
Tola
Jair
Fifth servitude ; Philistines
and Ammonites
Jephthah
Ibzan...
Elon ....
Abdon
Sixth servitude ; Philistines
Eli
Seventh servitude ; Philis-
tines
Samuel
Saul ...
David
Solomon
Zedekiah ; capture of Jeru-
salem
Judges vi, I.
Judges viii, 28.
Judges ix, 22, 55.
Judges X, I, 2,
Judges X, 3.
Judges X, 7, 8.
Judges xii, 7.
Judges xii, 8, 9.
Judges xii, 11.
fudges xii, 13, 14.
Judges xiii, i.
I Samuel iv, 18.
I Samuel vii, 2, 3.
Acts xiii, 21.
2 Samuel v, 5.
I Kings xi, 42 ; 2 Chron. ix, 3a
Table I.
The two first items in the above Table are recorded in complete years ; in all
the others the reckoning is inclusive. In i Kings vi, i is found a passage which
has long been felt to be a difficulty. Cuninghame considers that the 480 years
represent the period mentioned exclusive of the times of servitude, and it is not
impossible this may be the true explanation of the passage. From the Exodus to
the 4th year of Solomon there are inclusively 604 years ; the periods of servitude
amount to 131 years by the inclusive reckoning or to 124 complete 3-ears, which
number deducted from 604 leaves a remainder of 4S0.
No separate duration is accorded in Scripture to the administration of Shamgar,
which appears to be included in that of Ehud.
The next chronological statements we meet with are to the effect
that the ark remained with the Philistines seven months, and then at
Kirjath-jearim, after its restoration, twenty years.* The ark remained
at Kirjath-jearim until it was removed many years later by David, f
so the mention of twenty years cannot apply to its stay at that place,
but to the event the particulars of which immediately succeed.
With the capture of the ark, the Philistines may be considered to
have re- established their supremacy, and this period of subjection
constituted the seventh servitude, the emancipation from which was
secured by the victory gained over the Philistines at Mizpah, when
+ I Samuel vi, i ; \'ii, 2.
X 2 Samuel vi, 2 ; Joshua xv, 9, 60.
29
lAN. 9j SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [igoo.
they suffered so severe a disaster, that " they came no more within
the border of Israel."
We now arrive at another chronological difficulty ; there is no
intimation whatever in Scripture of the length of the interval between
the victory at Mizpah and the commencement of the forty years
assigned to SauFs reign by St. Paul. Josephus allots twelve years to
this portion of the history of Israel, but Josephus is not altogether to
be depended upon for the accuracy of his statements in respect to
periods of time, and we prefer for reasons connected with the date
of the Exodus, which are beyond the scope of this paper, to consider
nine years as a more suitable quantity for this interval. The reigns
of Saul, David and Solomon present no serious difficulties ; they
each comprised a term of forty years. Saul's reign offers some
anomalous aspects, but these disappear when we recognise that there
is an unrecorded interval of considerable length between the first
anointing of Saul and the complete recognition of him as king, after
his defeat of Nahash and the Ammonites.* Years must have passed
over his head before the timorous young man, who hid himself rather
than face public acclamation, developed into Saul, king of Israel and
father of Jonathan f
The Exodus, b.c. 1605. — Death of Solomon; commencement of
the Dinarchy, B.C. 966. — Invasion of Judah by Shishak, b.c. 962. —
Jerusalem captured by Nebuchadnezzar; temple burnt, b.c. 588.
• I Samuel x, l ; xi, 15. t l Samuel x, 21, 22 ; xiii, 2.
Jan. 9] PROCEEtHNGS. • I1900.
A STATUE OF HAPU-SENB : VEZIR OF THOTHMES II.
By Percy E. Newberry.
In the Egyptian Museum of the Louvre there is a statue of a
^^^ "vezir" of Thothmes II, named ^"^OnT^, Hapu-
senb, no account of which appears to have been published.
M. Revillout tells me that it was found at Karnak, and that it
has been in the Museum some ten years. The material is greyish-
green granite, and the figure is represented squatting, with the arms
crossed over the knees. Down the front of the legs is an inscription
in thirteen horizontal lines giving some account of the mmister's
titles, and stating that the figure was -<2>- ^^. y <=» v\
I , " made by favour of the king " Thothmes II : it also records
certain works which by royal command were undertaken by the
iQi R f\ Q] I gL I I I fs '"i"'
vezir, apparently in his position of <:!::> 'CX U ^ 1] ^v. U
, "Chief in Karnak and in the temples of Amen in
I
every land of Amen." On the right hand side of the statue are
two vertical and nine [originally eleven ?] horizontal lines of hiero-
glyphs, giving a list of the various works in metal, wood, and stone
executed by him. Among these works was a 1 1 " shrine [at
Karnak ?] in good white stone of Anu, named ( O | H V | | ^——^
Aa-kheper-en-Ra Neter-7nen7iu, which was [embellished with gold],
silver, lapis lazuli, malachite, and all kinds of precious stones." In
line 20 it mentions also many " offering tables in gold and silver,
inlaid with lapis, kerehet-wz.'&Qi, usekh-co\\3.xs, and two doors of
bronze, each in one piece, with the royal cartouche inlaid upon
Jan. 9]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHyEOLOGY
[1900.
them in electrum." On the left side of the figure are four vertical
h'nes of hieroglyphs giving the De hetep seten formula to Amen-Ra,
to Geb and to Osiris for offerings, and six horizontal lines giving
several of the titles of Hapu-senb. The following is a transcript of
the inscriptions : —
Down the front of the legs
I. -<2>-
1^""^ o
^
^ ^CD I
1 A_i]^l
tk111[l^^>K^«^^'^^
'if I 1 ho .
M/^S <<'s.K-<ii
^
^MA%.irM^\:
I
III I Awv^^ ^,^^ ...-
6.
I ^ 1 1 1 2^
^ iir
32
®^
JAX. 9]
PROCEEDINGS.
[ 1-900.
^fTIUMC^MlT^klSc^S
<^ <^
r^-^^^ >/i7-(v<i '"^
||C^s_y]^^.^
m
AAAAAA
-21 *^^=^ 1 _zr sViKviKVii/i^
12. xy^^^^ Vn ©^
7^
33
Jan. 9]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY.
[1900.
14.
D
ri
On the right side of the figure : —
^5-
16.
17-
26.
^ II
000
D
1 (>mlC\ 000
" ' n r, r> I J-^ 1
^1
<f ^^ D
o
<^
c:^
";«=/]
c^^
pw^
19,
mpjsn^T^-n^o
TTTTrmr
II
rwn 0 o 1^^ n ,:s:s, ^ n
to A O _«_^ O O o.:=> X
^^fl.^®
;^-5.<i^>'s«
JJl
\
a
23'
ODD
25-
*
o
^^q
o
[35]
34
Jan. 9] PROCEEDINGS.
On the left side of the figure : —
[1900.
1=^
^
<
'i{T-ii>\ii
r
:■=>!
X
1 ffl 'i&<M
i ffl :Wl<tSs
|=>i
^
«
11 n n 11 n 11
?o°i io°i fo^i ^o°i m m
^n
■<3
ooo<
i&-^'
c — »-
# ^??<l-^^<l-^i:^
o||;|]c*<j=^<
iH
35
Jan. 9] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHi^OLOGV. [1900.
Although several other monuments of this ofificial of the XVIIIth
dynasty are known, it is curious that in no other inscription does he
ever receive the title of ®) , "Oovernor of the (royal) town
[i.e. Thebes], or of ^^'^ "Vezir." In his tomb at Thebes,* in
his cenotaph at Gebel Silsileh,! and on the statuej found by Miss
Benson and Miss Gourlay in the temple of Mut at Karnak, the most
important title that he bears is | y Y ~^^'^ (1 , " High Priest of
Amen." At Thebes, at Gebel Silsileh, and on the Louvre statue he
is also called '^ alx aU , "Great Chieftain of the
Southern quarter. '
I have elsewhere given a connected list of the vezirs of Upper
Egypt from the reign of Thothmes I to Amenhetep II, and curiously
enough, as the vezirial office seems during that period to have
descended from father to son, there appears to be no room for
Hapu-senb. But that he was once vezir and governor of Thebes is
clearly proved by the Louvre statue. I suspect that he, held these
coveted positions for a very short period only, perhaps for a few
weeks or even days. This supposition receives colour from two
facts concerning the monument in the Louvre. Firstly, the statue
has never been finished, the back of it is only roughed out, and the
surface of the front and sides are not even tolerably smooth. The
hieroglyphs of the inscriptions are roughly cut, and several signs are
incomplete (as j in 1. 2 ; [j 1 1 instead of [j in in 1. 1 1 ; j] for • in
1. 12, &c.) The second point to be noted is that the statue has
been purposely (not wantonly) smashed into several pieces. That
this was not done by any religious fanatic of a late period, but prior
to the time of Akhenaten's heresy, is evident from the name of the
god Amen, in each place that it occurs, being intact. Nearly every
statue that I have seen from Karnak that dates from the period
between Amenhetep I and Amenhetep III bears traces of the
erasure of the name of Amen, sometimes also of the name of the
Theban city T ^-S
* It is in the Gehel Sheikh abd el Gurneh, and was found by me in 1895 '•
many funereal cones from i'are known (M.AJ''. viii, fasc. 2, No. 230).
t r.S./i.A., 1889, p. 108.
X I have described this statute and given the inscription in Benson and
Gourlay 's Temple of Mut, pp. 312-315.
§ As for example, on the statue of the vezir User, an account of which I gave
in the pages of the last number of these Proceedings.
36
Jan. 9] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
THE RELATIVE ADJECTIVE ^
By a. H. Gardiner.
It is proposed here to point out a possible derivation for the
relative adjective '"^ and to show how, if the origin assigned to
it be correct, relative clauses could have been evolved through its
primitive meaning. Owing to the circumstances in which this note
was written, it was impossible to collect and arrange all the evidence
necessary for a complete demonstration. Perhaps, however, the
train of thought here suggested may prove useful to those who have
more leisure to examine the points at issue.
The investigations of the grammarians have established that the
word '"^ is an adjective of the type of derivatives in l] , v\, formed"
from masculine and feminine substantives.* When from feminine
substantives, the termination combines with the feminine ending o ,,
so as to create a series of adjectives in ^ q (written || I]) or ^. Ac-
cordingly, ""^ would be a derivative of a feminine substantive ^^ •
Now such a word ^"^ occurs fairly often in compounds,! and
seems to mean "possession": e.g. /^ , "thy possession," and
(with the article o) ll l\ . Hence ^ ^^^ would signify
U ^ 1 AA^A/\^.
" being a possession of," i.e., " belonging to." But as Erma?i %
remarks, "'^ must itself be connected with the adjective n ,
ftAAAAA " belonging to," which expresses the genitive relation. And
AWV\A
this [1 , />AA.vNA again owes its origin to the preposition /vwvaa " to "
* Erman, Grnnimar, §§ 132 foil.
t Griffith, " Note on the compounds foniicd -with substantivised N," in the
Zeitschrift, Vol. XXXIV : and Erman, in an appendix to the same. The fact
that most of the compounds from the fem. "^^^ date only from the M.E., makes
no difference to our argument.
X In the appendix cited.
37
Jan. 9] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.IiOLOGV. [1900.
or '"for."' Hence and [] , -^^/w are ultimately of the same
origin, and appear, as regards their meaning, to be synonyms.
Only, as we shall see later, ^^", being the heavier form, tends to
introduce heavier combinations of words, />., sentences and prepo-
sitional phrases, while the lighter j\ , a~wva js naturally reserved to
connect substantives with one another. A very similar series of
words is seen in the derivatives of the preposition M "as" or "like."
From this are constructed an adjective k [J * corresponding to H ;
a substantive x, "likeness," "copy," corresponding to ^^"^
"possession"; and, finally, an adjective M^ (through M )
corresponding to vv. And as there is no nuance of meaning
between "^^ and I] , so, too, there is none between 1^ and M H.
Assuming, then, that the signification assigned by us to ^^
is the true one, let us see how far it will carry us in explaining the
evolution of the relative sentence. The clause introduced by this
adjective will now be seen to stand to its antecedent in the relation of
a defining genitive. Following up this clue, we will review the
various steps by which the simplest form of this relation — that
between substantive and substantive — might develop into the
relative sentence.
e.g., in
" Ci U
a^ 1
British Museum, 581
( — Sharpe II, 83). This can scarcely be held, through a comparison of a
or , to be an abbreviation of M , for in this case the [J , never found
'" ^ , would not be written. Moreover, it might be argued with much the
same force that [j , a/^^aa is to be read > > . Without wishing to enter
on controverted questions, the present writer ventures to think that the principle
of " Z)<f/9c//f^ 5(r/^m//«;/5'f« " should be applied with the utmost caution. There
seems no inherent absurdity, for instance, in supposing ■ — ^ to derive its
feminine from an adjective ^^^ ; nor, indeed, is it impossible that both forms
should have been in use. ^-^ may well have been formed to avoid confusion
with "^^^-^ " forepart."
38
Jan. 9] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
As in other languages, so in Eg}-ptian, a genitive may be
employed to express an attribute of a thing, in other words, to
define it. As English can say " a thing of beauty," so Egyptian
says '^^■^^^ ^ J s 7u mVf "a man of truth." It appears
^ I fl o U
that '^^ never takes the place of -v^^/vn in this case, but that cannot
be held to weaken our position. For as was said in anticipation
above, it was only natural that the lighter adjective should be used
in this connection. Moreover aa/vwv had probably been particu-
larised to this use, at the time when ^,^ was developed in order to
introduce the extended genitive or relative clause. The tendency
for the second member in such a phrase as aaaaa^ _^ ■
to develop into a clause becomes conspicuous when an infinitive
with its object and an adverbial addition is substituted for the
original substantive. Cf. ^ P^^T^uOiWIi] ^ , "The
day of lighting the lamp in the temple."* It is just possible that
^^ was sometimes used in this connection. In the phrase
^^ 1 V i| 1 H ^V ' "^^^ ^^^ place where words are
weighed,"! r-L-, may possibly be the infinitive. In this case the
uses of /wwvv and ^ ^^ would here coincide. Although, however,
such uses of the infinitive illustrate the tendency at work, it is
probable that the relative clause developed in a different \vay. The
first step of importance consisted in replacing the defining substan-
tive by a prepositional phrase. n is employed here in a fre-
quently recurring expression y X v^ ^ (J i ® ? which is
exactly represented by the French equivalent " mes faveurs de par
le roi."j Possibly this usage was formerly common, and only
survived in this " court formula." The regular word in such cases
IS ^ ^v^ as e.g. n <cir> ^^37 is.^ , " every ofincer who
was with him."§ These phrases may be equally well analysed,
either as genitives, or as relative clauses whose subject is identical
* Siict I, 291, quoted in Eriiian, Gra/iiviar, § 272. In Hebrew, cf, Geii. ii, 4.
t Beni-Hasan I, pi. xv. X El Berslieh I, 14, 8 and often.
§ Louvre, C 172 in Erniaii, I.e. § 401.
39
Jan. 9] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1900.
with their antecedent.* But from this point onward the genitive
sense becomes less and less obvious.
The next stage consisted in introducing a different subject, e.g.
r, .^ ^AA^A^ n ^ || ^^^ ^ uj-i^g ^\:icc where they are."t Thus the
fully developed nominal sentence entered into the relative clause. In
place of this a further step introduced a sentence with the pseudo
participle, and finally with the ordinary verb, e.g. /^^^^f^ ,
the sense of ''^^ is no longer apparent to the modern mind except
by analysis. The literal translation would be, " This bread and beer
belonging to, ' I have given it to you.' " It would seem that no
form of ''^^ ever became the exact equivalent of a relative pronoun,
such as the Indo-European languages possess. The nearest approach
to this is to be found in the usage of the feminine ^ ^ after prepo-
sitions to denote " the fact that," literally " the thing belonging to . . ."
Broadly then ^ \\, like the Hebrew "^tl?i^ ^ is a mere " connect-
ing link " or " sign." But here the resemblance between the rela-
tive 7Vord in the Hebrew and Egyptian languages ceases, for "^^''^
seems to have had a dissimilar origin. However, in certain cases
their conceptions of the relative clause present a striking similarity.
Occasionally the clause with "^tJlJSl is found following a noun in the
construct state, " because the relative clause is conceived as defining
and limiting its meaning, exactly as a noun in the genitive would
do." II Not infrequently, too, a verbal clause without ItlJt^ H has a
relative sense, when employed after a construct state. Thus Hebrew
gives us analogies which seem to corroborate the evidence brought
forward as to the origin of the clause with ^^.
As pomtmg to the origin of the ^ \\ clause in a defining genilive,
* Erinan (I.e.) rightly regards this as the simplest form of relative sentence.
Henceforward, the order of development which he follows will be retained.
t Wcstcar, 9, 3 in Eriiiair, I.e.
X Siut I, 295, in Eriitan, I.e., § 403.
§ Gesenius' Lexicon (ed. Bfoion, Driver and Bi-iggs), s.v.
II Of. Driver on I Sam. iii, 13, and Geseniiis-Kautsch. Hehr cm Grammar
(trans, by A. E. Cowley)., § 130 c.
^ Gcsenins-Kaiitsch, I.e., § 130 d.
40
Jan. 9] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
the following facts are instructive. It is clear that a defining geni-
tive may frequently be replaced by an adjective. We may, for
instance, say either " a thing of beauty " or " a beauteous thing."
Now on the hypothesis that the relative clause with ^ \\ is an exten-
sion of the defining genitive, a remarkable coincidence emerges, for
the most usual way of expressing a relative clause in Egyptian is
through what have been called the substantivised * forms of the verb,
i.e.^ forms so inflected that they may do double duty as adjective and
verb. A third mode of expressing the relative sentence is by mere
cO'Ordinatioft, no special particle nor verbal form being adopted.
This corresponds to that form of genitive where two substantives are
AAA/VAA
Juxtaposed simply, corresponds, in short, to the genitive without n
or /wwNA .f Thus there are three methods of defining a substantive,
by means of simple co-ordination, or by means of subordination with
a particle meaning "belonging to," or, thirdly, by means of an
adjectival form. And this is true, whether the thing to be predicated
of the substantive be another noun (i.e., an ordinary genitive or its
substitute, an adjective), or a whole clause (i.e., a relative clause).
To sum up, both on etymological and syntactic grounds, the
derivation of ^^ from /wvwv is possible, and certain coincidences
resulting from the acceptance of this view bear a posteriori testimony
to its probability.
Postscript.
No reference to the derivation of the preposition /^w^/vv itself has
been made in the body of this note, because such a matter must
always remain to a large degree hypothetical, and could only have
confounded the general argument. Here however I venture to
suggest an explanation, though not without diffidence. The pre-
position AA/w^A may very possibly be derived from a demonstrative
* Ermatt, I.e., § 397.
t This genitive is presumably a merely implicit one. No case-forms are
known in Egyptian. This being so, the two substantives are joined by co-
ordination not subordination, so that our comparison with the co-ordinated relative
sentence is perfectly fair.
41 D
Jan. 9] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1900.
/v>AAAA found at the base of , , , ^ , J._L , and per-
haps the plural pronouns , ^-^■^, and M • If so, the
advantage would be gained that only one root ^^vwva need be
postulated instead of two. Moreover, a comparison of the Aramaic >
(= Hebrew Hf)* would make it clear how A acquired its mean-
ing " of." Again, the " later absolute pronouns " shown some years
back by Se//ie to be allied to H , would now be seen to be derived
(with the exception of the ist person ) from the feminine
adjective from (] in its demonstrative sense. Then the
connection between them and 1 would be evident, if the latter
were regarded as formed from the preposition /wwva in its original
demonstrative sense, just as [I v\ and ^ are formed from ^^^^
and «ci:> . In this case ^ would bear the meaning " there " or the
like, and would point to the subject or the agent, as the case might
be. But let it be understood that these suggestions are put forward
quite tentatively.
* I have to thank Mr. J. F. Stenning, of Wadham College, Oxford, for
information about this word.
43
Jan. 9] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
The next Meeting of the Society will be held at 37,
Great Russell Street, Bloomsbury, W.C., on Tuesday, 13th
February, 1900, at 4.30 p.m., when the following Paper will
be read : —
The Hon. Miss Plunket : " Ancient Eastern Astronomy,"
ERRATA.
^^Proceedings,''' December, 1899.
Page 291, line 8 : for part read fact.
Page 295, line 2 from foot : for Lilath read Lilith.
Page 298, line lo : for third read fourth.
Page 310, line 9 : to read {Bulletin archeol, de VAth. Fr,, 1855, P- loi).
Page 310, last line: to read, on the megaliths in Brittany and among the pre-
historic, &c.
Page 311, line 2 : for priere read pierre.
Page 311, line 3 : to read des Antiquaires.
Page 311, lines 4 to 7 : to read, " The fact that the axe is there found, not as the
representation of an object in daily use, but as one designed for religious
or magical purposes, is shown by the fact that it often occurs as a pendant,"
etc.
Page 311, line 12; ^or precedes r^rtrt? preceded.
43
Jan. 9] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHiEOLOGY. [1900.
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^OL. XX H. p^^^ ^^
PROCEEDINGS
OF
THE SOCIETY
OF
BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
%%■-
VOL XXII. THIRTIETH SESSION.
Second Meetings February i^th, 1900.
CONTENTS.
PAGE
THE HON. Miss Fli-xket. -Ancient Indian Astronomy [Plate]... 47-5S
Percy E. Newberry. -Extracts from my Note Books, II :_
5. Sen-nefer, Mayor of Tliebes under Amenhetep li.
6. Sen-nefer, Treasurer of Hatshepsut and Thothmes III fi ,
7. TheVezirKha^ °'
8. The Vezir Paser
9. Hapshepsut's" Favourite Minister and Architect, Sen-mu t 6^
ID. A Cyhnder of the Vezir Ankhu " ^
11. An Ushabti Figure of Paser, Mayor of Thebes ^.
12. The Hieroglyphs S=> and <^fg^ • ,
13- Thesign ^ ■■■■ ^5
Robert Brown, Jun., F.S.A.-A Euphratean Circle of 3600' ■.'■"■ 67-71
W. E. CRUM.-Notes on the Strassburg Gospel Fragments. ' 7, L
Prof. Sayce (/'/-<?«a'£;«i?).— Notes ... '~'
The Hon. Mlss PLUNKEx-Notes ; Ahura Mazdi e'tc.' Sol^
Prof. Sayce (/';-../«',„/). -Notes on the December Number of ' the
Proceedings
Index, "Proceedings," Vol. XXI.
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F.S.A., 37. Great Rus.sell Street, Bloomsbury, W.C. iWLANDS,
^ociefg of (^iBficaf (^rc^aeofogg*
The next jNIeeting will be held at 2>7^ Great
Russell Street, Bloomsbury, on Tuesday the 8th of
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Paper will be read : —
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conpolis and elsewhere."
Prof, Petrie has also promised to speak.
PROCEEDINGS
OF
THE SOCIETY
OF
BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.
THIRTIETH SESSION, 1900.
Second Meeting, I2,tk February, 1900.
THOMAS CHRISTY, F.L.S. (Member of Council),
IN THE CHAIR.
The Chairman referred to the severe loss the Society
had suffered by the death of the Rev. Robert
GWYNNE, B.A., the Secretary for Foreign Corre-
spondence, whose interest in, and efforts to secure the
welfare of the Society only ceased with his life.
Born November 6th, 1831. Died February 14th,
1900.
The following Presents were announced, and thanks
ordered to be returned to the Donors : —
From the Publishers : — Messrs. Kegan Paul, Trench, Triibner,
and Co. The Archko Volume ; or the Archaeological Writings
of the Sanhedrim and Talmud of the Jews, (ititra secus.)
These are the official documents made in these Courts in the
days of Jesus Christ. Translated by Drs. Mcintosh and
Twyman. 8vo. 1900.
[No. CLXvi.] 45 E
Feb. 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.^OLOGY. [1900.
From the Author: — Dr. A. Wiedemann. Die neuesten For-
schungen zur altaegyptischen Geschichte. Histor. Litteratur-
blatt, Band I. Nos. 1/2, 3, 6/7. 1898.
From the Author : — Prof. C. P. Tide. Levensbericht van Willem
Hendrik Kosters. 8vo. Amsterdam. 1899.
Jaarbock der Konink. Akad. van Wetenschappen.
1899.
From the Author : — Verslag van der Lotgevallen der Universiteit
in den cursus 1 898-1 899, Vitgebracht den ig"^^"! September,
1899, door den Waarnemenden Rector Magnificus Dr. C. P.
Tiele, bij het overdragen van der rectorale waardigheid aan
Dr. H. A. Lorentz. Liden. 8vo. 1899.
From the Author :— Rev. C. A. de Cara, S.J. I dialetti Italici
e gl' itali della Storia. Le iscrizioni.
Civilta Cattolica. 6 January, 1900.
From the Leigh-Browne Trust. Biological Experimentation.
By Sir Benjamin Ward Richardson, M.D., F.R.S. London.
Svo. 1896.
The following Candidate was submitted for election,
havingibeen nominated in January, and elected : —
Arthur Mounfield, Dutton Street, Warrington.
The following Candidates were nominated for election at
the next Meeting in March : —
Rev. Thomas H. Richards, 80, Bramstone Road, Burton-on-
Trent.
Dr. James H. Breasted, Berlin.
A Paper, entitled " Ancient Eastern Astronomy," was
read by the Hon. Miss Plunket.
Remarks were added by the Rev. James Marshall, Dr.
Gastcr, and Mr. John Tuckwell.
Thanks were returned for this communication.
46
Feb. 13] rROCEKDINGS. [190c.
ANCIENT INDIAN ASTRONOMY.
By the Hon. Miss Plunket.
It is only on Talmudic authority, I think, that astronomy can
be denied a place, and indeed an important place, in researches
connected with Biblical Archaeology.
On Talmudic authority we are told that, as a protest against the
sun, moon, and star-worship of surrounding nations, the Hebrews
were not permitted to calculate in any way before hand, or by
scientific methods, based on the movements of the heavenly bodies,
their days, their months, or their years.
The end of the day and beginning of the night could only be
definitely ascertained, when three stars were visible to the observer.
The moon must have shown its pale sickle to some watcher of the
heavens, before the first of the month could be announced. The
beginning of the year, we are also told, was dependent on the
earliness or lateness of the agricultural season, for three ears of corn,
in a sufificiently advanced state of growth, were to be presented to
the priest and waved before the Lord on a fixed day of the first
month of the year.
This is what some passages of the Talmud* seem to teach : But
from Old Testament Scriptures it is not possible to infer these
* Bible Educator, edited by Rev. E. H. Plumtre, M.A., Vol. IV, pp. 239 and
240. " It may have been with a view to render astrology impossible, that the
Jews were forbidden to keep a calendar in the Holy Land, ... as the length of
the lunar month is, roughly speaking, twenty-nine days and a half, it is easy to
know from month to month when to expect the crescent to become visible.
Six times in the year the beginning of the month was decided by observation.
On two months of the year the determination of the new moon was of such
importance, that the witnesses who observed the crescent were authorised to
profane the Sabbath day by travelling to give information at Jerusalem. These
occasions were the months Nisan and Tisri. . . . The Mishna records that on
one occasion as many as forty pairs of witnesses thus arrived on the Sabbath at
Lydda. Rabbi Akiba detained them, but was reproved for so doing by Rabbi
Gamaliel. When the evidence was satisfactory, the judges declared the month
to be commenced, and a beacon was lighted on Mount Olivet, from which the
signal was repeated on mountain after mountain until the whole country was
aglow with fires."
47 E 2
Fer. 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGV. [1900.
calendrical restrictions with any degree of certainty. On the con-
trary, there is much in the Scriptures, as it seems to me, to lead us
to an opposite conclusion.
On the very first page of the Bible we read of " the greater and
the lesser lights," and of " the stars also " set in the heavens, to be
"for signs and for seasons and for days and for years." And
scarcely have we turned this first page, when we may learn of Abel —
who " at the end of days " brought of the firstlings of his flock an
offering unto the Lord. Already in considering this passage we
seem to be brought into touch with a definitely established year:
and at once archaeology and astronomy enter into the field of
Biblical research, to tell us of a remotely old calendar — astronomic
indications would date the origin of this calendar as somewhat
higher than 6000 B.C. — and from this calendar we learn that at " the
end of days," the end of the dark days of the year, there followed a
month of " right making sacrifice." A sacrifice, we may well suppose,
of the firstlings of the flock : as the stars in conjunction with the sun
during this first month were imagined by the institutors of the
calendar under the form of a lamb or ram ready for sacrifice.
To this calendrical first month our attention is again drawn
when we read, in the book of Exodus, of the institution at God's
command of the Hebrew festival, to be held on the 14th and 15th
days of the month Abib.
This month Abib, it is generally assumed, is the equivalent of the
month Nisan, spoken of in some of the later books of the Old
Testament.
Astronomy and archaeology again claim a hearing on this point.
The month Nisan, the Semite equivalent of the Accadian month
Barziggar (the month of the right making sacrifice), we may gather
from the evidence of the cuneiform tablets, had been the first month
of a calendrical year in Babylon for many centuries — for milleniums
perhaps — before the date of Moses ; and therefore archeology would
teach us, that the children of Israel were being recalled, from strange
Egyptian modes of reckoning, to the observance of an ancient and
patriarchial year and festival ; when they were told that for them
Abib was to be the first month of the year, and that on the 14th
of that month, "a night to be much observed," they were to sacrifice
of the firstlings of their flock, and were to hold the great festival of
the Passover on the fifteenth day.
If "Abib," " Nisan," and " Barziggar" are names used by various
48
Feb. 13] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
nations to designate one and the same month, Abib could not have
been, as it has been very generally supposed, a month varying accord-
ing to the uncertain ripening of agricultural crops, and one taking
its name from the ears of corn presented to the priest, and waved
before the Lord on some fixed day of that month — but rather it
must have been (as we know, from Babylonian sources, that Nisan
was) a well calculated soli-lunar and sidereal month. Now if we
adopt this view, we must find some alternative derivation for the
month name " Abib.'" Nor is it by any means difficult so to do.
On the fourteenth night of the first month — Barziggar, Nisan, or
Abib — a night to be much observed, or rather according to the
marginal reading "a night of observations" — the bright star Spica,
which marks the ears of corn in the Virgin's hand, rose above
the eastern horizon as the sun set in the west ; and at midnight
must have shone down brilliantly on the Hebrew hosts, for Spica
is so bright a star, that even the beams of the full moon riding
close at hand could not have obscured its lustre.
The Indians of to-day name their months from the stars in
their lunar zodiac which are in opposition to, not from those in
co7ijunction with the sun. The close resemblance of the Arab and
Indian lunar zodiacal series, suggests the thought that the Arabs
may have followed the same system of month nomenclature as the
Indians ; and this thought may furnish a reasoa why Moses, who
had so lately returned from his forty years' sojourn in Arabia,
should — in recalling the Hebrews to the year presumably observed
by their forefathers Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob — have yet spoken of
the first month of the year according to a non-Babylonian method
of nomenclature, and should have called it " Abib,'' after the star
in opposition to the Sun.
If now we adopt the opinion that an astronomic method of
counting the year did in reality obtain amongst the Hebrews, a
great difficulty must present itself to our minds in regard to the
generally accepted theory that only on a fixed day of the first month
of the year might the first reaped handful of corn be waved before
the Lord.
The seasons in Palestine are not more punctual than in other
countries. To restrict a husbandman to a fixed day of a year (even
such a year as ours) before which he might not begin to put his sickle
into the corn, would be felt as a hurtful and arbitrary regulation ;
but to restrict the husbandman to a fixed day in a luni-solar year
49
Fkf. 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1900.
would be a still more hurtful regulation. The beginning of a soli-
lunar year may vary to the extent of a whole month. A late
beginning of such a year might coincide with a very early agricul-
tural season, and vice versa. An early calendrical year might occur
in a late agricultural season.
Considerations of this nature may incline us to inquire carefully
whether the "generally accepted theory" (concerning the waving of
the ears of corn before the Lord during the Passover week), rests
upon Scriptural authority or on Talmudic and traditional teaching.
As against an almost unbroken array of commentators, it is possible
in this connection to quote from the work of a learned Hebrew
scholar, a clearly expressed opinion that, from the Scriptures them-
selves it is not possible to infer directly a connection in date
between the waving of the first fruits and the Passover festival.*
If the above considerations should lead us to accept, as at least
a probability, an astronomically counted Hebrew year, and should
require us to change long held opinions regarding the right obser-
vance of Hebrew festivals, on the other hand, the fact that we
might trace Arabian rather than Babylonian influence in the name
of Abib, would have its weight on the conservative side of the con-
troversy, concerning the post or pre-exilic date of the books of
Exodus and Deuteronomy.
* Pentatetiqiie, Traduction Nouvelle, par Rabbi Wogiie (Lazare), Tom 3.
Discussing an important difterence of opinion which exists amongst Jewish
scholars and commentators as to the exact day of the Passover festival, on which
the priest was to wave the sheaf before the Lord, the writer says: "La texte
porte : ' Le Lendemain du Sabbat,' indication qui a donne lieu a une dissidence
importante entre les Pharisiens et les Saduceans. Nous avons adopte le systeme
talmudique, qui a pour lui I'autorite des Septante, des Targoumin de Josephe,
et I'usage immemorial de la Synagogue, mais a ne consulter que les textes sans
parti pris, nous ne souscrivrions a aucune des deux doctrines, ni la ceremonie de
I'omcr, ni le comput des semaines ne sont mis par nos textes en rapport avec la
Paque, mais uniquement avec les moissons, soit ici, soit dans la Ueuleronomie
(xvi, 9). Des la recolte de I'orge, le divin Legislateur veut qu'on lui fasse
homage des premices de cette cereale ; il n'indique point de date, parceque la
moisson, non plus que la vendage, et pas plus en Palestine qu'ailleurs, ne
commence a jour fixe, mais une fois ouverte, elle se continue sans interruption ;
et comme les froments, en Palestine, sont coupes sept semaines apres, les
premices du froment doivent etre offertes au bout de sept semaines. L'omer et
Pentecote sont done mobile par exception, mais cette dernierc est relativement
fixe. Mainteneiit de quel 'Sabbat' est il question? Puisque tout ici est
subordonne i I'oHvertitrc de la moisson, ce serra naturcllemcnt le Saljbat qui suit
celle ouverture."
50
Feb. 13] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
The fact that in India the months are named after the stars in
opposition to the sun, suggested the above proposed explanations
of the Hebrew month name Abib as that of the month when
the sun was in conjunction with the constellation Aries, and in
opposition to the star Spica, marking the zodiacal ears of corn.
But there is a further point of connection to be observed between
Indian astronomy and Biblical archaeology, namely, that the first
mofith of the Indian year is actually, like the Babylonian Nisan
and the Hebrew Abib, the month during which the sun is in con-
junction with the constellation Aries, and when the bright star
Spica, rising in the east at sundown and shining all through the
night, gives its Indian name Chaitra to that first month. It must,
therefore, be a question of interest to Biblical students, whether
this Indian first month has only so been counted (as some scholars
tell us) since about 570 a.d., or whether it has so been counted
from the same remote time as was the Accadian month Barziggar,
that is possibly from about 6000 B.C.
This question as to the month Chaitra forms part only of a
larger controversy, which has been long waged concerning the
antiquity, or otherwise, of the whole science of astronomy in India.
To this special question regarding the first mouth of the Indian
year I drew attention, in a paper entitled " Astronomy in the Rig-
Veda," which I read last October before the Indian Section of the
1 2th Oriental Congress, assembled in Rome. That paper will in
due course be published in the report of the Congress. I can
therefore now only sum up in the words of the bulletin of the
Congress, already issued, the substance of the views put forward
in the paper, and afterwards I shall endeavour to strengthen, by
further discussion of Vedic myths, the arguments in favour of the
opinions for which I then urgently contended; namely, that in
the oldest known Sanscrit work — the Rig Veda — it is possible to
detect allusions to many astronomic phenomena, and that thereby
the antiquity of the science of astronomy in India may be established.
Extract from Bulletin.
" Les recherches archeologiques ont dans ces dernieres annees
etabli le fait que les douze constellations du Zodiaque (dit Grec)
etaient deja bien connues aux habitants de I'ouest de I'Asie 4000
annees av. J. C. Ainsi nous ne devons pas considerer comme une
51
Feh. 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL AKCH/EOLOGV. [1900.
impossibilite que les Brahmanes des Indes, bien avant la date de
la conquete d'Alexandre, aient connu les divisions du zodiaque, et
d'autres anciennes constellations. Cette possibilite admise, des
interpretations astronomiques sont suggerees pour quatre des plus
importants mythes Vediques.
" I. Indra represente le Dieu du Solstice de I'ete qui bannit
Vritni, i.e., la constellation Hydra, du ciel et de la terre.
"II. Soma Fava??iana represente la pleine lune du Solstice de
I'ete, purifiee dans les eaux de la constellation Aquarius.
" III. Agni se cachant, y naissant, et surgissant hors des eaux,
represente le feu du Soleil du Solstice de I'hiver, dans la constellation
Aquarius.
*' IV. Les Afvt?is representent les etoiles Yoga du Nakshatra
agvini qui annonQaient par leur leve heliaque le retour du
nouvel an."
Before proceeding to suggest some further identifications of Vedic
personages with astronomic phenomena, I should like, in support of
the solsticial interpretation of the Indra-Vritra myth already pro-
posed, to point out how this astronomic interpretation accounts for
what might seem the somewhat monotonous treatment of the contest
between Indra and Vritra, in the Rig Veda. Vritra, the demon of
drought or of darkness, manifests himself always in the form of a
snake, and commentators tell us that he manifests himself as a snake-
like cloud. Now if in hundreds of hymns Vritra manifested as a
cloud appears in a snake-like form, we might surely accuse the Vedic
bards of monotony in their treatment of the atmosi)heric contest so
continually recurring between Indra and Vritra ; but if the imagined
manifestation of Vritra was in the form of a snake like constellation,
then the monotony of the treatment is necessary and true to nature.
The poets are not dealing with atmospheric phantasmagoria, but with
the unchanging aspects of the fixed stars in their yearly revolutions.
Leaving now the Indra-Vritra myth, let us turn to other Vedic
gods and divine personages, and first to Rudra.
In the Rig Veda Rudra does not hold at all so prominent a
place as do Indra, Soma, Agni, and the Aswins ; but Siva, the
modern representative of the Vedic Rudra, does hold an important
position in the Hindu Pantheon.
In the Veda Rudra is cliiefly to be distinguished as an archer
god, as a wise physician, and as the father of the Maruts. Other
52
]K T;11S DUGR\M THE OLTER CIRCLE IS DA'DED WTO 360.PARTS FOR .«
EXTENT OF THE 1J INDIW IVS^ K.\KSH\TR.\S .\kZ GIVEV. INf THS XD
THE B?10\D BU\CK BA\0 W'riCH COMES K£>a',DT?A\VS ATTZNTIOM TO \ Sl&G
V
TIIE ECLIPTIC IS REPRESEVTEIi B\ TllE c'IRCLF. ON WHICH THE 51S AT '
THE C0X5TLLLATIONS FIObRtD ARE THObE OM,A\D NORTH Or THE
© T){£ POLE O-- THE ECLIPTIC.
,, Proc. Soc. BibL Arch., February, 1900.
JCALREFERE.VCE . LV THE \'EXT IMMER ORCLE THE MMES ,400)
i\MES AKDEXTEMT O? THE 12 I\D1AV SOL\r''-RaSHIs'!a?(E CAtNT.
DIVISTOM or THE MOO.VS COURSE DL-RLVG CSil LW.W >:®jrH.
solstice; AO%-AR,OLs PlfASESOF THE MOQX .-VPE D^PICTro
^ OMv in'cll^de: toose c^R.un- x^cmAs cRE:a« or Auwr^
-^ ™ ^^ "■'THE HI:a\1:,VS, ABOUT. i^sooB.C.
Feb. 13] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
gods besides Rudra are described as possessing bow and arrows,
but Rudra is very specially an archer : therefore in seeking for an
astronomical explanation of the Rudra hymns, the thought of the
archer Sagittarius easily presents itself. The indications, however,
in favour of this view could scarcely be considered sufficiently
marked to carry strong conviction to the mind, were it not that in
one hymn the epithet " Asuro Maho " is very clearly and definitely
applied to Rudra ; and in this epithet, it seems, we find the missing
link, which may serve to identify the archer Rudra with the archer
of the zodiac.
^^ Asuro Maho" is the exact Sanscrit equivalent of the Avestan
" Ahura Alazda.'^ In my paper, " The Median Calendar and Tauric
Symbolism," I have already claimed that the emblem of the Median
** Ahura Mazda," and the virtually identical emblem of the Assyrian
*'Assur," were derived from the figure of the celestial archer
Sagittarius, and the occurrence in the Rig Veda of the very words
Asuro Maho, applied to the essentially archer god Rudra, adds
greatly to the probability of this already proposed identification of
Ahura Mazda and Sagittarius.
The equinoctial colure still passed through the constellation
Sagittarius at the date 4000 B.C. To this date Median and Assyrian
symbolism seems to point as having been that of a Median reforma-
tion of the calendar, which fixed very firmly the beginning of the
Median year to the season of the vernal equinox ; and it is to this
date, therefore, that in the paper already referred to, it was proposed
to attribute the exaltation of the archer god Ahtira Mazda to the
high position of the great, and only, Loj'd of the Medians.
The origin of the Indra-Vritra and of the Soma myths has been
placed by scholars, on etymological grounds, as probably belonging
to Indo-Aryan and possibly to Eur-Aryan times. On astronomical
grounds also their origin may be referred to some few hundred years
earlier than that proposed for the reformation of the Median calendar.
The Aryans who went down into India, and who did not adopt
this Median reformed calendar, we may therefore suppose did not
exalt the equinoctial Rudra to the highest post amongst their gods.
Indra was still for them "the highest of all." Indra as the god
of the Summer Solstice, on the astronomic theory, triumphed over
the demon of drought at the midsummer Indian rainy season, and
the equinoctial archer Rudra is oftener alluded to in the Rig
Veda as the father of the Maruts than in almost any other .capacity.
53
Feb. 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1900.
Now the Maruts — the stormy troop of Maruts — are celebrated as the
companions and friends of Indra. They are " associated with him
in innumerable passages." Here at first sight it might seem that
the proposed astronomical identification of Indra and Rudra as
solsticial and equinoctial personifications must break down ; for
how should the sons of the equinoctial Rudra always appear as the
devoted companions of the solsticial Indra ?
On further examination, however, a very interesting explanation
of this difficulty presents itself. From a hymn to Siva,* the Hindu
representative of the Vedic Rudra, we learn that the crescent half
moon blazes on the forehead of Siva. Now the crescent half
moon, in the western degrees of the constellation Sagittarius, would,
4500 B.C., have marked the month of the Summer Solstice; for
the moon, in its "first quarter" in the first degrees of Sagittarius,
must attain to " full moon " seven days later, either in the con-
stellation Aquarius or Pisces, and the full moon in one or other
of those two constellations marked the season of the Summer
Solstice somewhat earlier than 4000 B.C. The Maruts are often
spoken of in the Veda as a troop, seven in number, or as seven
troops of seven, or as three times seven in number. The astro-
nomical thought suggests itself, that the seven Maruts represent the
seven days that elapsed between the crescent half moon, blazing
on the brow of Rudra, and the full moon of the Summer Solstice, or
Sana Fnvama?ia, Soma purified in the celestial waters (see Plate).
And this explanation of the Maruts does not contradict, but rather
agrees with and includes the usual non-astronomic explanations
held regarding them, namely, that they are storm winds ; for we
know that the days which accompany the setting in of the
solsticial rainy season in India, are the days in which the fierce
tropical hurricanes or monsoons prevail.
In a " Note " concerning the identification of Rudra and Ahura
* " Hymn to Siva," prefixed to " An exposition of the principles of Sanscrit
Logic," by " Bodhanundanalh Swami " (Calcutta) : —
" I worship the great iMa/iesa, who shines like ten million suns ; who is
crowned with the moon ; who is armed with the trident, the bow, the mace, the
discus, the goad, the noose ;
" Who is the eternal Lord ;
" \Vho is bright as the snowy summit of Mount Kaila9e ; whose matted hair
is ablaze with the crescent moon ;
" Whose forehead is adorned with the bright half-moon ;
54
Feb. 13] PROCEEDINGS. [iQoo-
Mazda, appearing in the current number of our Proceedings, I have
drawn attention to the curious mythological changes which seem to
have been rung by different peoples on this one theme, of the phases
of the moon in the constellation Sagittarius, at the date in round
numbers of 4000 b.c.
Now let us turn from the Maruts to another, as it seems to me,
lunar and solsticial myth, namely that of Trita Aptya.
Trita Aptya is a friend of the Maruts, and is said to have
appeared on the same car with them. He is constantly, in the
hymns, associated with Indra, and feats recorded in one passage as
performed by Indra, are in another passage of the same hymn
attributed to Trita.
Trita is also often spoken of together with Soma ; and in the
ninth Mandala again and again we read of the ten "maidens, or
fingers," of Trita preparing the Soma juice for Indra.
All these attributes of Trita, and others to be mentioned later,
are easily explainable on the astronomic theory already propounded
in the identifications of Indra, of Soma, and of the Maruts.
In the name Trita there is certainly a suggestion of the number
three, and Macdonell, in his " Vedic Mythology," brings proof to
show "that it was felt to have the meaning of third." I do not
know whether this meaning of " third " is to be taken as third in
order, or as a " third part " of some whole.
But if " Trita " may be taken as referring to a third part of a
whole, the reiterated mention of the ten fingers of Trita quickly
suggests the thought of a whole, divided into three chief parts,
each part containing ten lesser divisions; a whole therefore of
thirty parts.
Now the lunar month — in reahty consisting of twenty-nine and
a half solar days (with some fractions over) — is in Hindu calendrical
usage divided into thirty equal portions of time called " tithis,"
which are considered as lunar days ; and here as it would seem we
arrive at the physical basis of the Trita myth. Trita Aptya, or Trita
in the waters (or of the waters) appears as the third part of the
lunar month. The part during which the moon is to be seen in the
celestial waters — and as Trita is so closely connected with Indra and
Soma Pavamana — that third part must have been the ten lunar
days (five before and five after " the full ") during which the moon
is at its brightest, and in the constellation Aquarius.
It is true that the month in India is not at present often referred
55
Feb. 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILliOLOGV. [1900.
to as divided into three chief divisions, but rather into two. — The
light half and the dark half. — But we may remember that the Trita
myth is not of merely Indian origin ; it, like the Indra and Soma
myths, is " Indo-Iranian, and probably Eur- Aryan," and in European
ancient astronomy we find traces of this threefold division; for
we read that "the Attic Year began with the Summer Solstice, and
each month was divided into three decades."
If we think of Trita Aptya as a personification of the triumphant
third of the moon's course through the constellations of the zodiac
at the season of the Summer Solstice, and if we remember that the
moon during the ten lunar days contained in that '■'third" came to
its full in Aquarius or in Pisces, sometimes indeed at the juncture of
these constellations, not only shall we be able to understand much of
the figurative language of the Veda, which associates Trita with the
stormy Maruts, with the victories of Indra over Vritra, and with the
effulgence of Soma Pavamana; but we shall also recognise the
meaning of traits recorded in the Zend Avesta of Thrita and
Thrcpt07ia. And we may too guess at an allusion in the sculptured
forms of Grecian and Roman Tritons — half man and half fish — to
the two watery constellations above referred to. The Etruscan land
Roman rendering of these composite figures especially may recall
to our minds the zodiacal basis of the myth. The two fish of
Pisces, appearing in Italian art, as the two fish tails which terminate
the human-headed figure of the Triton.
There is a legend concerning Trita not related but alluded to in
the Rig Veda. This legend tells us, that Trita was one of three
brothers (Ekata, Dwita, and Trita), and that he was pushed into a
well by his brothers, and over the mouth of the well a circular
covering was placed with intent to keep Trita down and drown him.
But through the circular covering the ever triumphant Trita burst.
Here there can be little doubt is a mythic description of the tempo-
rary disaster of eclipse, overtaking the full moon of the Summer
Solstice in the celestial waters of Aquarius, or Pisces. The circular
covering can be nothing else than the circular shadow of the earth
covering the disc of the full moon, and Trita's triumph may well
remind us of the serene victoriousness of the moon, when it has
emerged from eclipse and rides unharmed along the sky.
This legend of Trita and his brothers appears also in the Avesta ;
it is therefore, like the rest of the Trita myths pre-Vedic. We need
not therefore be surprised to find allusion to it in Grecian lunar
56
Feb. 13] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
nomenclature. Hecate, as has been pointed out by scholars, bears
a close resemblance in name to '■'■ Ekata^ Hecate was a lunar
divinity ; she was worshipped and sacrificed to at the close of the
month. We may therefore suppose she represented the waning
moon. She is further said to have been the daughter of Perseus and
Asteria. Looking at the figures of the celestial sphere {see Plate),
we may trace the third part of the moon's course — the ten days of its
waning appropriated to Ekata— and observe how this portion of its
course began close to the constellation Ferseus. Thus the Sanscrit
Trita myth may explain the name and parentage of the Grecian
Hecate.*
To one more lunar Vedic personage let us direct our attention :
namely, to "■ Atri ;'' Atri who, unlike the conquering and ever
victorious Trita, is chiefly celebrated for his misfortunes. Agni,
Indra, and especially the Aswins, moved by his misfortunes, come
to the help of Atri, and by means of a huj^dred acts, a hundred
devices, they extricate him from captivity; whether from a dark
cavern or from a burning chasm. They make the time of his
captivity even pleasant to him, giving him refreshing drink.
One of our own poets may help us to understand the Vedic
metaphor of Atri's darksome cave. Describing his blindness, in the
words of Sampson Agonistes, Milton says —
" The sun to me is dark
And silent as the moon
When she deserts the night.
Hid in her vacant interlunar cave."
Atri is I believe a personification of the Neiv Moon, and thus w*
may understand how he is sometimes described as hidden in a dark
cave ; while at other times he is spoken of as in a fiery chasm, when
the uppermost thought in the Vedic poet's mind is the close con-
junction of the moon at that time with the burning sun. From his
dark cave, or burning chasm, Atri is delivered by the "hundred
acts " of worship and sacrifice, which it was the custom in India,-'as
* It is not to be supposed that only the month of the Summer Solstice was
divided into the three parts, personified by Ekata, Dwita, and Trita : the
legend of Trita Apiya, that is Trita in the Waters (or of the Waters), is
necessarily restricted to that season in which the moon came to its full in the
constellations Aquarius or Pisces. Some interesting indications in Indian and
Greek mythology seem to point to a similar division of other^months, but the
subject is too intricate to be dealt with in this note.
57
Feb. 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHTEOLOGY. [1900.
in many other countries, to offer up at the time of New Moon,
especially at the marked festivals of the Winter and Summer Solstice,
or the beginning of the calendrical year. On one occasion* we
hear of Atri coming to the assistance of the sun, which had been
hidden by the demon Svarbhanu. This darkening of the sun is
generally understood to refer to a solar eclipse. A solar eclipse can
only take place at the time of new moon. It is a little puzzling
to find Atri, if Atri personifies the new moon, saving the sun from
eclipse instead of being the cause of the disaster ; but as in the Rig
Veda Atri always appears as a friend, not an enemy, of the gods of
light — Agni, Indra, and the Aswins — we may suppose that the
Vedic bard chose to represent him as being present at, rather than
causing the sun's eclipse. It may also be that a certain number of
divisions of lunar time were considered as personified by Atri, and
that an eclipse terminated in the third or fourth of those divisions.
So that it could be said that Atri " by his fourth sacred prayer "
discovered the sun. The passage is no doubt a diiificult one, still
the fact that Atri was present at the eclipse of the sun seems to tell
rather in favour of than against the supposition, that Atri was a
personification of the time of new moon.
The four astronomical interpretations here proposed for Rudra,
the Maruts, Trita Aptya, and Atri, are all harmonious with and
supplemental to the four discussed in my paper read at Rome, and
entitled " Astronomy in the Rig Veda." They must to a great
extent all stand or fall together. They have been very briefly
stated, but if indeed an astronomic basis does, as suggested, under-
lie Vedic imagery ; Sanscrit scholars, with the science of etymology
at their command, will easily be able to follow up and pronounce
upon the value of the clues here hazarded.
* Jy!i^ Veda Saittitia, by H. II. Wilson, M.A., F.R.S., Vol. III., Mandala,
V. XL. 5. " When Surya, the son of the Asura Swarbhanu, overspread thee with
darkness, the worlds were beheld like one bewildered, knowing not his place.
6. When Indra, thou wast dissipating those illusions of Swarbhanu which were
spread below the .Sun, then Atri by his fourth sacred prayer, discovered the Sun
concealed by the darkness impeding his functions. 7. (Surya speaks) Let not the
Violator, Atri, through hunger swallow with fearful (darkness) me who am thine ;
thou art Mitra, whose wealth is truth ; do thou and the royal Varuna both
]irotect me. 8. Then the Brahman (Atri), apjilying the stones together,
propitiating the gods with praise, and adoring them with reverence, placed the
■eye of Surya in the sky ; he disjiersed the delusion ol Swarbhanu. 9. The
Sun whom the Afcura Swarbhanu had enveloped with darkness, the sons of Atri
subsequently recovered ; no others were able (to effect his release)."
58
Feb. 13] TROCEEDINGS. [19CO.
EXTRACTS FROM MY NOTEBOOKS (II).
By Percy E. Newberry.
5. Sen-nefer, Mayor of Thebes under Amenhetep II.
A short distance above the magnificent tomb of Rekhmara in the
__^ © ■"]
Gebel Sheikh Abd el Kurneh at Thebes, is the tomb of a a ^sU
/id ne net-rfs* "mayor of the southern city {i.e., Thebes), named
X I ^ Sen-nefer. t It is dated in the reign of Amenhetep II and
contains several interesting inscriptions which have not as yet been
published. For many years it served as a place of residence for an
Arab family, and latterly it has been used as a tib?i-ch3.xnhtr and
stable. The lower parts of the walls have been sadly mutilated and
most of the scenes destroyed, but it is fortunate that the plaster and
inscriptions remain on the upper parts, and from the latter I have been
able to glean the following information. Sen-nefer was the son of
^^XJ (JU iwl Humay,! the \\ 7ner perneter hemt, "steward
of the divine wife " (? widow of Thothmes III) : his mother was
named ' ° ' 'Ml Neb. A scene, now unfortunately almost entirely
000
* In one place this title is amplified by =' f iir lient net
<==> U ill C^ J.TOTF ■
Vast, "making the boundaries of the Theban nome."
+ The name Sen-nefer, "Good Brother," was a common one at Thebes
during the XVIIIth Dynasty, and there are at least three tombs in the Gebel
Sheikh Abd el Kurneh of high officials of this period who bore that name. One
of these is the well known " tomb of the vine," which was discovered by Hay in
1826, and has recently been published by Virey {Ree. de Travaux, Vol. XX,
p. 211). The second tomb is that of Sen-nefer, mayor of Thebes under Amen-
hetep II, the subject of the above note. The third is that of Thothmes Illrd's
Treasurer {see Note No. 6, below).
+ It is possible that this steward of the queen may be identified with Humay,
Mayor of Memphis under Thothmes III, whose statue is preserved in the Louvre.
59
Feb, 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1900.
destroyed, showed him _2- ^ ^^ (jTj ITI] M © ^, ? ^^^^ '^
n
AA/SA/\A
[1 hemsei ei7i seh sekhemkh ab art heru iiefer hena sen-ef . . .
mer 7iet zat Amen-em-apt zet Pa-ar, " seated in the summer-house
and diverting the heart by making a good day with his brother . . .
the Governor of the town {i.e., Thebes), and Vezir, Amen-em-apt."
The tomb of this brother I discovered in 1895, ^"d in it is to be
seen a portrait of Sen-nefer seated with ^ 1 ^ /vwwv |
V y d OO^ hemi-ef inenat seien mert neter Seniny, "his wife,
the royal nurse, beloved of the god {i.e., the King) Sentny." The
name of Amenemapt's wife <::r> Urt-maat-ef is also recorded
here as well as that of their son A^ TO ^ Paser. In the British
Museum there is a statue group of Sen-nefer, his wife Sentny,*
and their daugther \^\i\ vv S\ Nefert-ari'; in the Louvre there
is a granite false door (from the tomb?) bearing, I believe, the
name of the same Sen-nefer, but naming a different wife Z^
Aah-set. Putting these various facts concerning the family together,
we obtain the following genealogical table : —
Humay = Neb*
I . I
Amen-cm-apt = Urt-maat-ef* Sentny* — Sen-nefer = Aah-set*
LI I (Mayor of Thebes) |
, I I , 1
Paser Nefert-ari*
Besides filling the post of Mayor of Thebes, Sen-nefer bore
several other important titles. Among these may be noted the
following : — ) --aa^^ | q \^ |[_J | | ?)ier per jie Ser-Ka mad
kheru, "steward of the estates of (?) Amenhetep I deceased."
rjTk I r w I r-f^-^^ [1 mer khenteih ne Amen, " Superintendent
of the garden of Amen,"
* No. 113. The name is here spelt Senl-nay. This wife is also named on a
funeral cone published by Darissy, M.M.A.F.C., VIII, fasc. 2, No. 78.
60
Feb. 13] . PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
JUTj f^sfs^^ \\ mer at ?iet khet 7ie Avien^ " Super-
intendent of the department of trees (/.(?., orchard) of Amen."
As superintendent of the garden and orchard of Amen, he had to
oversee those attached to the Temple of the Theban deity at Karnak,
and it is curious that one of the only paintings in his tomb which is
not sadly defaced, gives a plan of the magnificent garden the culti-
vation of which he supervised.* A second scene, now unfortu-
nately destroyed, showed Sen-nefer offering " choice flowers from the
department of trees," which the King Amenhetep II "made anew
for his father Amen." / ^^ _^ A fl £=3 ^iLJ ^5 { ^^ ^@
Xl^ )■ ^^ third scene represented the gardener "bringing all
the flowers of the orchard of his majesty daily for embellishing the
te„,p,eofAn,en-Ra»(f1^=f J^^^-^^^IJ^
6. Sen-nefer, Treasurer of Hatshepsut and Thothmes
III. In the British Museum is a statue t in black granite of a
1 I jfTN( ''^'^^^ u/iem seten mer khetem (?) ken, "royal registrar.? and
superintendent of the treasury " named II I "^ Sen-nefer. On the
base of the statue the distinguished official's parentage is given as
1 Q J '^ '^\ Jy ar ne mer ast em Ua-ut-Her Tehuti-hay mes
ne seten kheker, Tahuti-set, " son of the superintendent of the kitchen ?
in the oasis Tehuti-hay, born of the royal ornament Tahuti-set."
In 1895 I discovered the tomb of this officer in the Sheikh Abd el
* This has been published by Rosellini in his Mon. Civ., PI. LXIX, but no
inscriptions are given with it, and it has always been quoted as the garden of a
private individual.
t Published by Sharpe.
61 F
Feb. 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1900.
Kurneh, and can add a few details concerning his career from the
inscriptions in it. He is there described as ^^ [^ ^^^^ | ^^
Pier per iir ne seten, " chief steward of the king " ; t^^J o ' M
/VSAAAA
mer khasci fieb ne Amen, "overseer of the gold mines of Amen";
•a"] 0 \t, \\ 7ner aht Jiet Amen, "overseer of the fields
of Amen " ; | T -^^ v_V mer kha em khei ?iel>, "overseer of the
balances or scales " (var. (] ^^ ^ | J I^)- On the statue
he is said to be a " superintendent of the priests of Min of Kuft " ;
in his tomb he bears the additional title of " superintendent of the
priests of Sebek," His wife's name is also recorded c^ ^^^ Q ^ rl|
Ta-amu. From a cenotaph of this Sen-nefer at Gebel Silsileh (cf.
Froc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. XHI, p. 106), it is possible for us to place
him among the group of noble favourites of Queen Hatshepsut.
7. The VezIr Khay. I bought at Thebes in 1896 a fragment
of the base of a statue in black granite bearing the name and titlcg
of a vezir named 1 -^ , [I [I ly] Kha^. The titles given are the
following : — 1 ^^ /w^w^ [1 '— — ' Seshem heb ne Amen, "leader of the
festival of Amen"; \\ seten tihetn, "royal registrar"; Ifipi seten
sesh, "royal scribe"; ) ^^^^ mer per ur, "chief steward":
— ^ nil <=r>
® j mer tiet, " governor of the city " {i.e., Thebes) ; and (jj^ I s^?/,
vezir." A fragment of a statue in crystalline limestone of the same
individual is in the Dattari collection in Cairo. Khay held office
under Rameses II, and in Brugsch's Thesaurus are four inscriptions
naming him, dated in the years 44-49 of that great monarch.
8. The Vezir Paser. Apother relic of a vezir of Rameses II
I secured at Thebes in 1897 ; it is a fragment of a limestone stela
showing " the chief justice, the governor of the city {i.e., Thebes),,
and Vezir Paser, son of the doctor and priest of Amen in-the-
places-of-the-south Neb-neteru," worshipping " the goddess Hathor,
62
Feb. 13]
PROCEEDINGS.
[1900.
vwwv
I
mistress of the western desert." ( A ll { j
/ n -^ v_^ III '^ 1 I )• ^^^ vezir is figured wearing the
long vezirial robe, and upraises his arms before the goddess, who
stands upon a small shrine surrounded with papyrus flowers. This
famous minister of Rameses II is known to us from many other
monuments. His tomb, dated in the reign of Rameses II, is in the
Sheikh Abd el Kurneh at Thebes, and several beautiful antiquities
bearing his name (including his pectoral of gold inlaid with lapis
lazuli and other stones, figured in these Proceedings, Vol. XV, p. 411),
were found by Mariette at Sakkara. There are also several statues
of him preserved in the Museums of Europe and Egypt (two at
Gizeh, one in the British Museum, and another one at Alnwick
Castle, and another (?) from Tell el Robb, found by Wilbour, Proc.
Soc. Bibl. Arch., 1886, p. 230).
His name occurs also on an unpublished stela in the wady to the
south of Der el Medineh. Many ushabti figures, in blue and white
glaze, from this tomb are preserved in the Louvre, where also is
a small signet plaque (fig. i). Another somewhat similar plaque
(fig. 2) is in the collection of Mr. John Ward, F.S.A.. of Belfast.
One scarab bearing the name of this vezir is figured in Vol. XV of
these Proceedings, p. 4 1 1 .
CIS3
1!
_^
b
^\
9. Hapshepsut's Favourite Minister and Architect, Sen-
MUT. In Benson and Gourlay's The Temple of Mut (p. 310) I have
given a Ust of antiquities bearing the name of this great official, but
since that account was written, I have been lucky enough to secure
what I believe to be his paint-rubber — perhaps the one which he used
63 F 2
Feb. 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1900.
to grind his ink when making the original design for his master-piece,
the Temple of Der el Bahari. It is a piece of grey-black granite,
about four inches in length by two inches wide, shaped thus, f ^
and bears the following inscription incised around the sides :
1 1 1 1 1 1 1 rv / r\ II t n 1 1
n AAA/*AA
ar\f\ she\f\ an tie Ameti dft mer [per] ne Amen Sen-inut, " making
the secret things [designs?] of Amen by the steward of Amen Sen-
mut." In the Rev. W. MacGregor's collection appears to be a
somewhat similar object in limestone, which has been described by
Spiegelberg in Maspero's Recneil de Travaux, Vol. XIX, p. 91. An
agate bead bearing the name of Sen-mut is also in the Tamworth
collection.
10. A Cylinder of the Vezir Ankhu. Among the Hay
MSS. in the British Museum is a drawing of a blue glazed cylinder
bearing the inscription ©] /T^ ■¥" ^^ wer net zat Ankhu, " the
governor of the city (Thebes), the Vezir Ankhu," but I cannot find
out where the original is now preserved ; I believe it is in some
American Museum, perhaps in that of Boston ; could any member
of this Society tell me ? The Vezir Ankhu, it may be noted, lived
under f ^ S^ ] J^a-ne-niaa-fie-kha, apparently one of the
Xlllth dynasty kings. His name is recorded on a stela of
Amenysenb in the Louvre, and he is often mentioned in the great
account Papyrus of Boulac (No. 18).
II. An Ush.^bti Figure of Paser, Mayor of Thebes. Last
spring I purchased of Abd el Megid, one of the Luxor dealers
in antiquities, the lower half of an ushabti figure of Paser, the Mayor
of Thebes under Rameses IX, who played an important part in the
great law-suit recorded in the Abbott and Amherst papyri. The
figure is of a hard brown coloured stone, and in form it is like the
ushabti figures of the middle of the XVIIIth dynasty. A vertical
line of hieroglyphs was cut down the back, and six horizontal lines
(four of which are preserved) ran down the front. The hieroglyphs
are well cut, but the text is curiously full of blunders. On the front of
64
Feb. 13] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
the figure the name is spelt out in full a^ I V f^ ^ Paseru ;
on the back of it is written Ax' nv ^^1 - The only title given is
Q ^ ;^U ^ M em iiet-res, " mayor of the southern city " {i.e.,
Thebes). This interesting relic was found at Kurneh, and is now
preserved in the collection of Lord Amherst of Hackney at
Didlington Hall.
12. The Hieroglyphs s==> and <=Wfr=. Griffith {Hieroglyphs,
p. 45) states that the former sign represents " a short cord ending in
small loops, apparently a handle for drawing or dragging." It is in
reality the cord used for tethering animals, and I have often seen it
used by the Arabs of the present day for tying the forefeet of horses,
donkeys, &c. ^ fhethet, as Griffith remarks, is used in Fyr. T.,
1. 308, for a binding or catching cord. The verb ^jy^ c=^ thet, it
should also be noted, has the sense of "seizing" and "binding."
The second sign =>gw= {Qxi'i^'Oix, Hieroglyphs, Fig. iii, p. 45) is, I
believe, nothing more than a series of similar cords tied to a rope
for tethering three or more (for sometimes the sign has as many
as twelve loops) animals side by side, just as one sees a number
of donkeys tethered on to a long rope in the modern Egyptian
markets. This origin of the sign would, perhaps, agree with the
sense of the word sa, which means " to guard," " to protect," etc.
13. The sign ")C\. Griffith remarks {Hieroglyphs, p. 44) that
this has been " supposed to represent a sling, but of this there is no
clear evidence, sometimes it may represent a halter." This object
is figured in the tomb of Rekhmara among the funeral furniture of
that official, where it is represented with his bow, mace, battle axe,
and other weapons {cf. Steindorff, Mentuhetcp, PI. III-IV). Both
here and in the more ancient monuments it is clearly a sling, and it is
identical in form with slings used by the fellahin to keep away the
birds that infest the ripening durrah crops in summer time ; similar
slings were used by my gardeners to drive away the birds from the
grapes in my vineyard at Luxor {cf. Wilkinson, Popular Accoutit of
the Ancietit Egyptiaiis, Vol. I, p. 43). The loop at the end of the
cord is put over the wrist, and the cord is twisted once round the
65
fEB. 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1900.
hand ; the pocket or loop near the centre is then charged with the
sling-stone, and the end of the cord held loosely in the hand. In
flinging the stone the sling is generally waved twice round the head
before the end of the cord is let go to release the stone. Griffith
discussing this sign notes that " slingers are mentioned in Fiankhy,
1. 32, and in Beni Hasaji, II, xv, one slinger seems to be figured;
but they are rarely found on Egyptian monuments." I may mention
here that there are several slingers represented at Beni Hasan, but
owing to the very great reduction of my original drawings (they are
aVth scale) they are difficult to recognise. See B.H., II, PI. V,
third row from the bottom, just above the testudo. Cp. also the
similar scene, PI. XV.) At Thebes slingers are not only frequently
represented in the tombs, but also in the battle scenes of the
Temples.
66
Feb. 13] PROCEEDINGS, [1900.
A EUPHRATEAN CIRCLE OF 360°.
By Robert Brown, Junr., F.S.A.
In the Monthly Notices of the Royal Astronomical Society, Vol.
XL, No. 3 (Jan., 1880), Mr. R. H. M. Bosanquet and Prof. Sayce
describe a Tablet, apparently K. 90, 'in the British Museum,
written in Accadian which treats of the Moon's position during a
month.' This Tablet ' is a copy of an ancient one, probably of date
before 2000 b.c.,' and it shows a division of the circle into 480
parts. Some of the numbers are 'unintelligible or corrupt' The
Tablet shows the daily advance and retrogradation of the Moon,
which, at the end of the 15th day of the month, has advanced 240°
or half round the circle. The Moon is said to advance 5° the ist
day, 5° the 2nd, 10° the 3rd, 20° the 4th, and 40° the 5th. These
figures are, very naturally, said by the writers to be ' unintelligible.'
From the 6th to the 15th days the Moon is said to advance 16° a
day, which, for a circle of 480°, is roughly accurate. The retro-
gradation of the Moon is next given. From the i6th to the 24th
day it retrogrades 16° a day, but from the 25th to the 30th days the
figures again become unintelligible. The writers observe that ' it
has been assumed that the division of the circle into 360 parts was
commonly practised by the Babylonians. There is, however, no
authority in the inscriptions for this assumption.' It must be re-
membered that this was written twenty years ago.
I have long believed that a circle of 360°, corresponding with
the year of 360 days mentioned in W.A.I., III, Hi, No. 3, Rev. 1. 6,
would be found in the Inscriptions ; and, as a fact, it occurs in
Tab. 84-7-19, 273 (B.M.), which formed the 14th Tablet of the
great astronomico-astrological work, The Illumination of Bel, and
which therefore belongs to the 3rd millennium b.c. The Tablet is
67
Feb. 13]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII/EOLOGY.
[1900.
published by Dr. Craig {Astrological- Astronoviical Tablets in the
Brit. Mus., Leipzig, 1899, P- i6)> ^"^^ P^^t of the Obverse is given
by Dr. Bezold {Cat. Cun. Tabs. Kouyunjik Collection, IV, 1748).
The Obverse is as follows : —
T <« ^r T
Ar<
ITT <^<V/
^T
T ^riT
^*-<
V <«
^y
T ^T \\\
^>-<
<V/
^y
T ^r V
^^
<«
j^
T ^T V/
^>-<
T
^
1 1 TTY
^^
T<TT
^y
f A» YYV
^*-<
T«V
j^y
1 1 YY
A-<
K«^^
^y
W A* YYY
1 •'^T YYY
• 1 YYY
A-<
n'l)
^y
f ^T<
A-<
TT
j^y
T ^T <T
^>~<
TT<rT
j^y
T ^r <rT
A-<
TT«V
T ^i m A-<
TT«<II?
T ^r <v A-<
TT^flv
T ^y <w 4-^
TIT
T ^T<??]^
A^
TT<^<W
<yy
T ^T <v
A-<
yy {lacuna)
T ^r <w
A^
r ^T <???
A-<
T ^T«
A-<
68
Feb. 13]
PROCEEDINGS.
[1900.
The rest of the Tablet is broken away. The above portion
reads : —
o /
'The Moon the ist day to 345 advances {i7/ak).
5? 51
2nd
7 30
)) ))
3rd
15
)> J)
4th
30
)> >>
5th
60
J> 5>
6lh
72
1J 11
7 th
84
5> )>
8th
96
5) 5)
9th
loS*
J> )>
loth
120
5> )>
nth
132
>5 >>
1 2 th
144
J) )>
13th
156
)J )>
14th
i68t
J> J>
15th
180'
The Moon has now got half round the circle, and its phase is
the F/em7unmf/i, Sumero-Akkadian IDU LAL (^•{^ f*"), Semitic
Sin Malil, with the Latins also called Oppositio, the Moon being
now opposite the Sun. As half the circle = 180°, the whole circle =
360°. At this point unfortunately the Tablet is damaged. It
continues, as given by Dr. Craig : —
' The Moon the 1 6th day to 1 69° ( 1 68 ?) 12°'
On the 1 6th day the retrogradation commences, and we should
certainly read ' 168,' z>., 12° from 180°. The number ' 12,' which
* Dr. Bezold's copy has j^^^J^ (' 109'), a mistake for ' 108' (Vide sup.).
t Dr. Craig's copy reads IJ^^^^ (' 158'), which is an error of some scribe,
early or late ; for, as will be observed, the context requires ' 168,' and I have
restored the text accordingly.
69
Feb. 13]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY,
[1900.
appears by itself, confirms this. We can restore the rest of the
Tablet by analogy as follows : —
o /
' The Moon the 17th day to [156
1 8th ,
, [144
19th ,
> [132
20th ' ,
, [120
[21st ,
108
22nd ,
96
23rd
84
24th ,
72
2Sth ,
60
26th ,
30
27th ,
15
28th ,
7 30
29th ,
3 45
30th ,
345]
The Tablet thus gives the daily progress of the Moon as
follows : —
The
{
I St
day
3 45
2nd
3 45
3rd
7 30
4th
15
5th
30
6th"
to
25th,
>
12 each ( = 240°)
26th
30
27th
15
28th
7 30
29th
3 45
30th
3 45
360
70
Feb. 13] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
We next observe that the calculations of the Moon's progress in
these two circles of 480° and 360° are in perfect harmony. In the
circle of 360° the figures are, as they should be in order to corres-
pond, ^th lower. The ratio of 12" a day in the latter agrees with
that of 16° in the former, and both are roughly correct. This
result appears thus : —
Tablet K. 90 Tablet 81-7-19, 273
(Circle 480°). (Circle 360°).
o o /
Lunar advance ist day 5 3 45
2nd „ 5 3 45
Srd „ 10 7 30
„ „ 4th „ 20 15
„ 5th „ 40 30
80 60
r^thof
the month
d circle.
An astronomical friend has suggested to me that there must be
a mistake ' by the original copyists.' But the harmony between the
two circles makes this theory untenable. The average progress of
the Moon during the first and last five days of the circle of 360° is
thus 12° a day, which is the daily progress recorded for the other
days of the month; but, for some reason or idea unknown to me,
the Moon is represented as moving at an abnormally slow rate on
the first three days of the month, as doubling its pace on the 3rd,
and as doubling it again on the 4th and on the 5th days, on which
latter day it is represented as having 2^ times its normal rapidity.
It is observable that this period of irregular motion coincides with
the time during which the Moon is * new.' Thus, in IV.A.I. Ill,
Iv, No. 3, 1. I, 2, we read, ' [6'/«] tJia Jiamuri-sn 5 nme Azkaru'
(•^y ^]y), ' The Moon from its appearance for 5 days is New.'
The above mode of calculation of the lunar advance constitutes a
£rux to which I invite the attention of those Assyriologists who are
interested in Babylonian astronomy. Meanwhile, it is very interest-
ing to meet wdth our familiar circle of 360°, in addition to the
already known Euphratean circles of 60', 120°, 240°, and 480°.
71
Feb. 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1900.
NOTES ON THE STRASSBURG GOSPEL FRAGMENTS.
By W. E. Crum.
It is a remarkable fact that, of the various texts by which the
literature of the early Church has, during the past two generations,
been enriched, not one of first-rate importance has become known
to us through the medium of the Coptic language. It would not be
unnatural to expect, from Egypt's early conversion and heroic
devotion to Christianity, that the vulgar tongue would have pre-
served something beyond those remnants of Gnosticism which, for
the theologian and perhaps for the philologist as well, constitute
to-day the most remarkable documents of Coptic literature.
Although its editor declines to see in the newly found text the
survival of a Gnostic work, there can be at any rate no doubt that
it belonged to none of the documents which the Catholic Church
has been concerned to preserve. Dr. Carl Schmidt was the first to
recognize, among the collection of miscellaneous papyrus fragments
acquired last year by the Strassburg University, the importance
of those which Dr. Jacoby, with the help of Professor Spiegelberg,
has just edited, and he pronounced them to be a part of some
uncanonical Gospel. Dr. Jacoby, who is responsible for the
elaborate theological commentary with which the edition is pro-
vided, is inclined to recognize in the text a work whose recovery,
even to so limited an extent, would be of the greatest interest — the
Gospel /cot' Ato/yTr-ZoiK'. Of the value of Dr. Jacoby's reasons for the
proposed identification I am not competent to judge. These reasons
are shortly : (i) the prima facie probability of an unidentified
Gospel, found in Egypt and long enough popular there to be still
extant in a Coptic translation at a relatively late period, being that
once current under the name of the Egyptians' Gospel ; (2) synoptic
features in parts of the new fragment such as were — to judge from
its extant remains — probably characteristic of the Egyptians' Gospel
also; {3) at the same time, evidence of an acquaintance with the
72
Feb. 13] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
Johannine theology, likewise demonstrable lor the Egyptians'
Gospel ; (4) a Christology, however, still more developed than that
of St. John and comparable with that to be discerned in the
Egyptians' Gospel, to which (following Harnack) the editor also
reckons the Oxyrhynchus Logia, where he sees a like stage of
development represented ; (5) the incidental usage of the word
^'mystery," which is compared to Epiphanius' employment of the
word fivaTr]f)iivcw9 in reference to the Egyptians' Gospel.
Whether these arguments will suffice to convince theologians of
the proposed identification remains to be seen. Should they do so,
it will, according to Dr. Jacoby, become necessary to revise the
chronological position of the Egyptians' Gospel, placed by Harnack
not later than 130, and consequently the relation of that to St.
John's Gospel, of which. Dr. Jacoby holds, it either borrowed or to
which, as the earlier composition, it supplied certain ideas.
It is further important to observe that, like certain other extra-
canonical works of this class, notably the Gospel of Peter, the
narrative appears to be put here into the mouths of the Apostles
themselves (" we ").
The following are the contents of the texts, so far as can be
ascertained in their very fragmentary condition. The leaf numbered
" Kopt. 5" shows (i) part of a prayer addressed by Christ to His
Eather, to be placed, according to Dr. Jacoby, shortly before the
Passion and compared by him with John xvii ; (2) a conversation,
narrated by the Apostles, between them and Christ, in which He
foretells His approaching fate and — -what is very remarkable — uses
apparently of Himself the words applied in Mat. xxvi, 41 ("the
spirit is willing etc.") to the disciples.
" Kopt. 6 " appears to contain (i) a continuation of this con-
versation, wherein Christ refers to the revelations of His power
already granted to His apostles. The name, Mary, occurs here,
apparently addressed by Christ. (2) In Dr. Jacoby's opinion a
fragment from an account of the Ascension. Of the smaller pieces
too little is legible to allow of even a guess at the subjects of which
they treat.
The MS. itself, of which three considerable and eleven very small
fragments have been recognized and pieced together, is provisionally
ascribed by the editors, who are well aware of the caution still
needed in any attempt to date the earlier Coptic uncials, to the
5th or 6th century. The letters ^., X and U) are made each in a
73
Feb. 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII/EOLOGY. [i?oo.
single stroke ; JUL and T are curved. Initial letters do not appear
to be in any way distinguished. These features, combined in one
MS., recall the Vienna Psalter (Rainer Fi/hrer, 1892, Taf. IV),
which Professor Krall would date in the 6th century, but which
mi<^ht well be placed 100 years earlier. The Psalter is however
written by a hand far less skilled and conventionalized than that
of the Strassburg MS. There may therefore seem ground for as-
signing the latter to the period proposed by its editors, though two
at least of the data on which they support their opinion — the form
XeKA-^i-C and the dot on the right of X — are not unfamiliar to
later texts, e.g. certain ostraca belonging most probably to the 7th
century.
The condition of even the best of the leaves is so fragmentary
that, of the fifty-six lines of which anything beyond a few letters is
visible, only four are quite complete, while of the remainder some
show about a half, others about two-thirds of their original total of
letters. Hence it is clear that the initial task of the editor — or
rather, of Professor Spiegelberg, who is here chiefly responsible —
was one of reconstruction. The difficulties of such work are in this
case unusually increased by the peculiarly irregular spacing of the
letters, the number of which in each line appears to have differed
considerably.
Great uncertainty will probably remain as to the original contents
of many of the counties lacunae, and I have only a few alternatives
to suggest here for the ingenious proposals of the editors, whose
knowledge of Coptic as well as of the theological probabilities has
been severely taxed.
" Kopt. 5," recto., 1. i. If the phrase were a quotation of Mat.
vii, 14 or 20, one would rather expect eE.oX ^^n ; if not, there is
no need to supply K^pUOC with which [cijJjULJULO accords (as
Professor Spiegelberg has seen) so badly. Yet by reading
[tJjUUULO, the only other word which seems possible, we are
not much helped.
L. 8. There seems in the photograph space for [juLTTKOCJUlJoc.
L. 13 certainly suggests [<Ll], but the gap may have held a liiird
htter.
L. 12, Instead of eirte , we might read eiJUie , "they {i.e.
the worldlings) knew them not," instead of " were not like them.'"
Tin's seems at least as probable in the context,
7-1
Feb. 13] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
L. 16. I think OTCWCCJ (or rather OTOCCl) more probable
here than O'VUDcyq ; cf. for instance 2 Tim. i, 10 (= Boh. KCOpq),
and I Cor. xv, 26, with which latter passage indeed one is tempted
to read \y\^^J^. 2^e n]x^,xe eqIt^.OTOCq etc. " By whom
shall the last enemy be destroyed ? "
L. 18. ^p is of course merely a slip for -^c, the only
abbreviation used in Sa'idic.
I^. A point on which the editor lays stress is the occurrence
here of the expression UGlE. AJLITJULOT . This he translates
" the claw of Death," comparing it with the ow^ too Xdpovro^
in a curious magical (Christian) invocation in a Gizeh papyrus.
This papyrus, which Dr. Jacoby also prints with a commentary, is
assigned by Grenfell to the 4th or 5th century, and in it Dr. Jacoby
sees a direct quotation from his new Gospel fragments. But is it not
possible here to explain the phrase sufficiently by another reference
to I Cor. XV ? For the Kevrpov -rov davaiov in vv. 55, 56, there is
unluckily no Sa'idic version preserved ; nor is the parallel Hosea
xiii, 14 extant in that dialect, while in both places the Bohairic uses
COTpI . But in the ancient Achmimic version of Hosea Kevrpov
is rendered (as Professor Krall kindly informs me) by Gin. ; so too
in the Said. Apoc. ix, 10 {ed. Goussen). That allows at least of the
possibility that Said, i Cor. xv, 55, 56 likewise used €1^ for Kevjpov,
and if we therefore regard the present passage as simply based on
that, there remains no reason for connecting it with the " claw of
Charon." "^^
L. 19. E.(JoX cS-OX, supplied by the editor, is supported by
such passages as Acts ii, 24.
* ei^ or eiei^ in Apoc. iv, 8 is puzzling. The Sa'idic of the passage
{ed. Goussen) has "And the 4 beasts had each of them 6 wings in their eiGlli
round about, being full of eyes within," while later MSS. {cd. Amelineau and
Cledat) read " from (starting from) their 61^ ." With this last the Boh. agrees,
translating ♦^ItLIj ^\ ^.jjUi-l ^ ^j ^r^^ j^f-^'O "-i^^y^ Jk^^^j
•-'\ itL/i^. The only other version showing this curious reading seems to be
the Syriac of Lord Crawford's MS. {ed. Gwynn), where eiK= \\S1l^. A
superficial examination does not appear to show other remarkable resemblances
between the Sa'id. and this Syriac text. The Ethiopic, whence some help might
have been looked for, avoids the difficulty by reading merely "six wings and
these all full of eyes." (So at any rate the nine MSS. of the Brit. Mus.)
75
Feb. 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1900.
" Kopt. 5," t'erso.
L. 5. Even allowing for the frequent license of scribes in omit-
ting a repeated letter, rtXOOTHTXIt for nXOOTTHTXIt is
unlikely. And yet the photograph shows little space to spare.
L. II. The editors are aware of the improbability of the
rrtO(5^1e6^ they propose. The extant letters seem indeed too
few to warrant at present any suggestions.
LI. 12, IT,. What justifies the insertion of Te'Xo?? It scarcely
seems suitable with the following ^uoojlt . Nor does the interro-
gative OTIie, at the end of its sentence, seem admissible. OT
might perhaps be the article introducing a predicative clause.
L. 16. E-twX e^oX in an intransitive sense would, to say the
least, be very unusual.
LI. 21, 22. Dr. C. Schmidt points out to me that this is a
quotation of John xv, 20 (?'. text in A.Z., 1886, 108). The
alternative T suggested in 1. 21 must of course be adopted.
" Kopt. 6," redo.
L. 3. The gap seems more likely to hold [Tnl than fql
and would thus give " all your power."
Verso, 1. 5. Would not T-e[nJUL«X^-noc]xoXoc , "our
apostleship," be more suitable than " His " ?
76
Feb. 13] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
NOTES.
Eoypt. — M. Legrain has been making some important discoveries
at Karnak this winter, more especially on the site of the temple of
Ptah. Here he has found among other things the oldest monu-
ment yet met with at Karnak, a stela of Antef IV of the Xlth
dynasty, which gives for the first time all the four names of the king.
The stela was broken, probably during the troublous period of the
Hyksos invasion ; but what remained was carefully preserved when
the temple was restored, and put back mto its original place. The
fact is a fresh proof of the care with which the monuments of the
past were preserved in the Egyptian temples, and what an abundance
of authentic materials for compiling the ancient history of Egypt
must still have existed in them when Manetho, the priest of
Sebennytos, undertook the work for his Greek readers.
M. Legrain has also found one of the ancient city-gates, which
for the first time gives us an idea of what they were like. It was
double, and of great height, and was built of large blocks of lime-
stone inserted in the crude brick wall. A fragmentary inscription
shows that the builder was Amon-hotep II.
The Hittites. — I have one or two additions to' make to my Paper
in the Proceedings of last June.
(i) The plough ^ would be "earth" or "land" more naturally
than "city," and the Assyrian rendering of the Hittite
by mat alt would therefore be rather approximative than exact.
The Assyrian rendering was chosen because it was already known
in northern Syria, as is shown by the Tel el-Amarna tablets.
Perhaps my old idea is right, that the plough had the phonetic
value of the Assyrian >-^yy, er or eri. If so, this would be an
additional reason for the use of the particular combination of cunei-
form signs (inat alt or mat er). It is tempting to read the bull's
head in J. I, 2, e-me-er or e-we-er. It should be noticed, by the
way, that in the inscription of Malatiyeh the bull's head — which, as
in J. II, I, must signify "the land of the Bull," or Taurus — is
associated with the ideograph of a house, which seems to denote
77 Ci
Dec. 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCM.KOLOGY. [1900.
Milid or Malatiyeh, while in J. I, the bull's head is similarly
associated with the ideograph of a temple.
(2) I believe I can now explain the inscription of Fraktin
published by Ramsay and Hogarth in the Recueil de Travaux, Szc,
XIV, pi. VI. Above the figure of the god to the left we have
(^) A ^xIy (ij^ " the god creator, who has made the
earth," the last word being expressed by the plough drawn as it is
on the boss of Tarkondemos, and with the " word-divider" attached
to the right side. Above the figure of the seated goddess is
^^ "the supreme deity." Above that of the priest is first of all
his name, written ideographically, with the phonetic complement ti
*^^, and then, as Mr. Rylands has pointed out, the ideograph of
"high-priest" (see my Hittite Notes, XV). Next comes behind
him, in a separate compartment, a series of characters which are
so rudely formed that I have only lately succeeded in making them
out. They read :
fc?., S %fl 1.1 4;^ ® [#] !&
" ruling the sanctuary of the land of Das-Tarkon."
I have already explained the altar; the n \ssi ^^'^''ich is attached
to it is the suffix of the accusative, as is shown by the Bagdad bowl
{Hittite Notes, X). The arm with clenched first is similar to the
clenched fist which signifies "prince" {Hittite Notes, XIII).
Years ago I suggested that the name on one of Mr. Schlum-
berger's seals (No. 6) \^ff ft^ W^ represents that of
the Cilician king Sanda-sar-me, and means " Sandon is king." The
character after the determinative of divinity at Fraktin is lost, but
there is room only for a small one like the flower, which for the last
twenty years I ha\e read tar.
Prof. Ramsay has made it clear that Fraktin is the Dastarkon
of Strabo (p. 537). In my Hittite Notes, XII, I have tried to show
that (f^^ has the value of tati, and I have further pointed out in
them that the media; and tetnies were represented by the same
characters, / and d, b and /, and k and g interchanging with one
another (VIII). To this I have now to add that a character also
Dec. i3l FROCEEDrNGS. I iqco
represented the three cases — nominative in -s, accusative in -;/, and
obhque case with vowel-suffix — of the substantive for which it
ideographically stood. This explains the double form of the
Komagenian name Kundaspi and Kustaspi met with in the Assj'rian
inscriptions, which has long been a puzzle to me. Hence [f\r^
will have the values of das, dan, and da, as well as of tas, tan, and
ia. The name of Dastarkon, it will be observed, verifies the value
of hi, which I have assigned to | .
(3) I notice that according to Prof. Bezold {Catalogue of the
Cuneiform Tablets in the Kouyunjik Collection, v, p. 2063), the
word which Tiglath-pileser I says was the native title of the Koma-
genian kings should be read irru-pi and not saru-pi (W.A.I. I, x, 26).
Now irru claims kinship with the Vannic eri-las and eri, "king,"
and is perhaps distantly related to the Vannic eio-is, " lord," Mitan-
nian ipris, " king." We may also compare the Er of the legend
given at the end of Plato's Republic, about which I have discoursed
elsewhere. In J. Ill, 5, □[]□ MUK V^ e - ^ - determitiative
signifies "ruler " {Hittite Notes, XVI), and Prof. Jensen has pointed
out that in J. Ill, 3, it is explained by the ideograph of " king."
Consequently the value of the second character must be r{ii) or rii).
As it is followed in H. II, i, by the vowel e, I should prefer ri.
A. H. SAYCE.
AssiouT, February 9, 1900.
M. Barsanti has lately discovered two fine tombs of the period of
the XXVIth dynasty, close to the pyramid of Unas at Dahshur.
One of them has never been finished, and the inscriptions are
accompanied by instructions in demotic to the painter, while the
sarcophagus is but partially carved. The German excavators of the
temple of User-en-Ra of the Vth dynasty, at Abusir, have found an
interesting series of sculptures, representing and explaining the various
ceremonies connected with the great festivals which were already
observed.
A. H. SAYCE.
Helwan, March i, 1900.
79
Feb. 13J SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCIMiOLOGY. [1900.
NOTES.— AHURA MAZDA, ETC.
Professor Hommel in the April number of these Proceedings
calls attention in his " Assyriological Notes " to the name " Assara
Mazas " appearing in a list of Assyrian gods. The section of the
list in which this name appears contains " a number of foreign
sounding names " belonging to gods honoured, presumably, in out
lying portions of the Assyrian dominions.
Professor Hommel claims "that this god (Assara Mazas) is no
other than the Iranian Ahura Mazda," and he thus concludes his
arguments in favour of this opinion — "concerning Assara-mazas,
I should like to remark in closing this paragraph, that we have here
the same older pronunciation of Iranian words as in the Kassitic
Surias, ' sun ' (later Ahura and Hvarya, but comp. Sanscrit Assura
and Suria), which is of the highest importance for the history of the
Aryan languages. In the same Kassitic period, between 1700 and
1200 B.C. I suppose was borrowed by the Assyrians the Iranian
god Assara-mazas."
In a paper entitled *' The Median Calendar and the Constella-
tion Taurus," printed in the June number for 1897 of these Pro-
ceedings^ I made a very similar claim for the derivation of the name
of the great god of the Assyrians — Assur.
The claim put forward was not based only on the resemblance
in sound of "Assur" and "Ahura," but was in the first place
founded on the virtual identity of the emblems of Assur and Ahura
Mazda. For the origin of these emblems (referring as it was suggested
they did to the zodiacal constellation Sagittarius) a date as high as
4000 B.C. was, on astronomic grounds, assumed, and it was pointed
out that at that date there was no evidence of the existence of the
Assyrian nation as a nation, nor any trace of a Semitic worship of
the god Assur ; whereas, on the other hand, as early as 3800 b.c.
there is evidence that a powerful Aryan race — the Mauda — rivalled
in power, and threatened the Semitic rule of Sargon of Agane.
The opinion that the symbol of Ahura Mazda, and of Assur, was
of ancient Aryan origin, naturally suggested the further thought that
the 7iamc Assur, so closely resembling the earlier IndoTranian form
80
Feb. 13] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
Asura, of the Iranian A/iura, had, together with the emblem of the
god, been borrowed from the Aryan ancestors of the Medo-Persians
by the Semitic settlers who, early in the second millennium B.C.,
establibhed themselves to the north of Babylonia. It may here
be pointed out that no very certain Semitic derivation at present
holds the field which the proposed Aryan derivation would
occupy. According to some scholars it comes from a word
signifying " a well-watered plain." According to Professor Hommel,
the name Assur is derived from a word which originally meant " the
heavenly host."
Professor Hommel, quoting as his authority the opinions of the
Sanscrit scholar Oldenburg, and reinforcing Oldenburg's opinions by
arguments from other sources, further maintains the high probability
of the Median god Ahura Mazda having been the representative of
the Vedic Varioia, and also that Varuna was the moon.
Vedic scholars are divided in opinion as to what physical
phenomenon is represented by Varuna. He is very generally
supposed to personify " the vast extent of the encompassing sky,"
some say especially the sky at night time — others claim him as a solar
divinity, whilst Oldenburg, as we have seen, supposes him to be the
moon. It is not to the question, however, of what phenomenon
Varuna represented, but as to the probability or improbability of his
original identity with the Median Ahura Mazda, that I would now
draw attention.
It is said that " the parallel in character, though not in name, of
the god Varuna is Ahura Mazda, the Wise Spirit." But a variety of
considerations may lead us to entertain the possibility of a Vedic
god other than Varuna being the parallel in character and in epithet
of Ahura Mazda ; a parallel which is still more clearly to be
recognized if we adopt the view, above contended for, of the identity
of Assur, the archer god of Assyria, with Ahura Mazda.
The Vedic god Rudra is, like Varuna, an Asura or Spirit. He is
described as " the wise," and his votaries are encouraged to worship
him " for a comprehensive and sound understanding." But in one
passage the epithet " Asuro Maho," the exact Vedic equivalent of
the Avestan " Ahura Mazda," is actually applied to him.* As a wise
and great Asura Rudra, seems to be as close a parallel to Ahura
Mazda as Varuna; the identity of epithet in the case of Rudra
makes the parallelism closer.
* Ri° Veda, Mandala ii, r, 6.
8x
Ffb. 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGY. [1900.
Varuna indeed in Vedic estimation held a much higher and more
commanding position than Rudra, but considering how opposed the
Avestan was to Vedic mythology on important points, we ought not
to expect that the god elevated by the Medians above all others
should have held a very exalted place amongst the Brahmins of
India.
But it is when we turn our thoughts not only to Ahin-a Mazda
but to his Assyrian representative Assur, that the parallelism between
him and Rudra becomes more marked.
Rudra is not only a wise and great Asura, he is above every-
thing else celebrated in the Rig Veda as an archer. He has " the
sure arrow and the strong bow." * He is " the divine Rudra armed
with the strong bow and the fast flying arrows."!
In the Median paper already referred to, it was suggested that
an astronomic observation of the equinoctial colure passing through
the constellations Sagittarius and Taurus was the probable origin of
Median and (as derived from Median) Assyrian symbolism concern-
ing Ahura Mazda and Assur. This observation could, as was
pointed out, only have been made at the date, in round numbers,
of 4000 B.C.
It is a very tempting enterprise to seek in the mythologies of
European nations for allusions to this same astronomic observation
— an observation made, as we may believe, when the ancestors of
the Iranian and Indian Arjans, and possibly the ancestors of
the European nations, were still, if not all, dwelling together, at
least within easy intellectual touch of each other.
In Grecian fable we have the Centaur (the Bull-killer) Chiron
giving his name to the constellation Sagittarius, and in this fable we
may, as it would seem, find a better astronomic explanation of the
term Bull-killer than that usually given concerning the well-mounted
Thessalian hiinters of wild cattle. The constellation Sagittarius, an
archer, half man, half horse, is not a figure of Grecian invention. It
is to be met with depicted on Babylonian monuments, unmistakably
the archer of our celestial sphere ; and this constellation, when it
rises in the east, always drives below the western horizon, /.(?.,
mythically exterminates, the last stars of the constellation Taurus.
To Chiron, the chief Centaur, the epithet " wise " is especially
* Rig Veda, Mandala v, x, 11.
+ Kig Veda, Mandala vii, xlvi, i.
82
Feb. 13] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
given, and "he was renowned for his skill in hunting, medicine,
music, gymnastics, and the art of prophecy ; " of these not altogether
congruous attributes Rudra the Vedic god possessed three of the
most important. He was wise, he was an archer, and he was famed
as " a chief physician amongst physicians." * In a verse, part of
which has been already quoted,! worshippers are exhorted to "Praise
him who has the sure arrow, the strong bow, who presides over all
sanitary drugs ; worship Rudra for a comprehensive and sound
understanding, adore the powerful divinity with prostrations."
Apollo the far-darter, Artemis the goddess of the silver bow, also
shared these same attributes, and Grecian legend would lead us to
place them in the same part of the heavens as that allotted to Chiron,
i.e., Sagittarius. Apollo prompted Artemis to aim a shaft from her
bow at a point on the horizon, and this point was the head of the
hunter Orion. Now the constellation Orion is exactly in opposition
to the bow stdrs of Sagittarius ; that the legend is astronomical is
plainly to be inferred from its variant form, in which Artemis is re-
presented as sending a Scorpion to sting Orion to death. The stars
marking the Scorpion's sting are in very close proximity to the bow
stars of Sagittarius.
Returning to Indian myths, the name of Siva does not occur in
the Rig Veda ; but in later Sanscrit works Siva is the representative
of Rudra. In a hymn to Siva,| the following passages occur, and it
is difficult to read them and not be reminded of the sculptured
figures of Artemis, crescent-crowned and leading a stag by the horns.
(Allowance must be made, however, for the tendency in Hindu art
to multiply the heads, arms, and features of their gods.)
" I worship the great Mahesa, who shines like ten million suns :
who is adorned with triple eyes : who is crowned with the moon :
who is armed with the trident, the bow, the mace, the discus, the
goad, and the noose :
Who is the eternal Lord ;
Who is bright as the snowy summit of Mount Kailage ;
Whose niatted hair is ablaze with the crescent moon ;
Whose hands hold the head of a deer, and a battle-axe ;
* Rig Veda, Mandala ii, I, 4.
t Rig Veda, Mandala v, x, il.
X Hymn to Siva, prefixed to "An Exposition of the Principles of Sancrit
Logic," by Bodhundanatts Swami, Calcutta,
83
Feb. 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHiEOLOGY. [1900.
Whose forehead is adorned with the bright half moon ;
Whose fingers are interlaced to typify a deer ;
For the explanation of the Roman myths of Dianus and Diana
(varying forms as the dictionary tells of Janus and J ana) we may
naturally seek for the same astronomic origin, as for those concern-
ing the Grecian archer divinities.
Janus indeed has not, so far as I know, ever been represented
as an archer or a centaur. The attribute for which he is especially
renowned is that of " opener of the year," and this attribute, on the
astronomic theory here proposed, would furnish the connecting
link between the varying forms of the Italian deities above
mentioned.
The many and still imperfectly understood changes that were
made in the Roman year by successive rulers, have effaced the con-
nection of that year with the stars which must have originally
presided over its opening. But Roman tradition embodied in
Virgil's lines speaks of " the bright Bull " who " with his golden
horns opens the year."* The golden star-tipped horns of the bull
are as we know exactly opposed to the westernmost degrees of
Sagittarius ; and that constellation, in opposition to the sun, would
therefore have marked the opening of just such a vernal year as that
alluded to by Virgil. Whether this vernal year before the Julian
reformation was still the calendrical year in Rome is, however, very
doubtful.
Janus is represented with two heads, sometimes even with four,
" to typify the seasons of the year." The /«// moon in Sagittarius
4000 B.C. marked the season of the Spring Equinox — the sun then
being m conjunction with the stars marking the horn tips of the Bull.
The fie7v moon in Sagittarius at the same date marked the Autumn
Equinox. The half waning vioon in Sagittarius marked the season
of the Winter Solstice ; and the half moon of the crescent or waxing
moon marked the season of the Summer Solstice. The four heads
of Janus may thus have referred to the four seasons marked by the
moon in Sagittarius.
The fact that the Indian Archer Rudra (= Siva) and the Grecian
archer Artemis, were represented as crowned by the /laif, not the /////
moon, would refer these myths to an Indo-Iranian, not to a somewhat
* Virgil, Geor^., Lib. I, 217, 218.
84
Feb 13] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
later Iranian source. It was not to the reformed Iranian Equi-
noctial year that they pointed, but to the sun's triumph at the
solsticial season. In the Roman Janus mylh, we may rather detect
the later Median influence, and suppose that it referred to a year
beginning with the /«// moon in Sagittarius, a year opening in the
Spring, when the sun was in conjunction with the "gilded horns " of
" the bright Bull."
All these mythological indications, derived from Median,
Assyrian, Indian, and classical sources, though each of them looked
at separately may not speak with much insistence, yet considered
together seem to point us more and more clearly as we study
them, to the fact that about 4000 b.c. a very important and authori-
tati\e observation of the colures (amongst the zodiacal constellations)
was made, and that upon this observation much of the mythology of
ancient nations was founded.
E. M. PLUNKET.
85
Feb. 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1900.
NOTES ON THE DECEMBER NUMBER OF THE
PROCEEDINGS.
The statement of Sir G. Wilkinson, quoted by Mr. Nash, that
what he calls the Lepidotus is the bimii of modern Egypt, is a
mistake ; the binni is what he terms the Oxyrhinchus. A cemetery
of mummified fish, many of which were specimens of the binni, was
discovered five years ago near the site of the small temple to the
north-west of Esna, which was destroyed in the time of Mohammed
Ali. The fellahin have a saying: Ana 'l-binni ; in tilqa ahsan
niinni ma-taMlni, " I am the binni ; if you find anything better than
me, don't eat me ! "
Mr. Johns will find an answer to his question in the Appendix to
my recently-published " Babylonians and Assyrians, Life and
Customs " (Scribner's Sons), where, by the way, " weight " is an
obvious misprint for " night."
Sir Henry Howorth has forgotten a note of mine in the
Proceedings for November, 1898, where I have pointed out that the
original pictorial form of the later cuneiform character en, " lord,"
is to be found in a votive tablet of Ur-En-lil published by Hilprecht :
" The Babylonian Expedition of the University of Pennsylvania," I,
2, Plate XVI, No. 37. It represents an arm and clenched hand in
which is a forked weapon. I have no belief in Prof. Delitzsch's
gunu theory. Guim was merely a grammatical term, denoting
that a particular character in its later form resembled another " with
additions."
A. H. SAYCE.
Dahabia Istar,
Feb. 2^th, 1900.
The next Meeting of the Society will be held at 2)7y
Great Russell Street, Bloomsbury, W.C, on Tuesday, 13th
March, 1900, at 4.30 p.m., when the following Papers will be
read : —
Note by Prof Sayce {President).
Dr. James H. Breasted : " On the Annals of Thothmes
III, and the location of Megiddo," etc.
86
Feb. 13] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
THE FOLLOWING BOOKS ARE REQUIRED FOR THE
LIBRARY OF THE SOCIETY.
Members havin° duplicate copies, will confer a favour by presenting tliem to the
Society.
Alker, E., Die Chronologic der Bucher der Konige und Paralipomenon im
Einklang mit der Chronologie der Aegypter, Assyrer, Babylonier und Meder.
Ameli\eau, Histoire du Patriarclie Copte Isaac.
Contes de TEgypte Chretienne.
La Morale Egyptienne quinze siecles avant notre ere.
Amiaud, La Legende Syriaque de Saint Alexis, I'homme de Dieu.
A., AND L. Mechineau, Tableau Compare des Ecritures Babyloniennes
et Assyriennes.
Mittheilungen aus der Sammlung der Papyrus Erzherzog Rainer. 2 parts.
Baethgen, Beitrage zur Semitischen Religionsgeshichte. Der Gott Israels und
die Gotter der Heiden.
Blass, a. F., Eudoxi ars Astronomica qualis in Charta Aegyptiaca superest.
BoTTA, Monuments de Ninive. 5 vols. , folio. 1847-1850.
Brugsch-Bey, Geographische Inschriften Altaegyptische Denkmaeler. Vol.
I— III (Brugsch).
Recueil de Monuments Egyptiens, copies sur lieux et publics pas
II. Brugsch et J. Diimichen. (4 vols., and the text by Dumichen
of vols. 3 and 4. )
Budinger, M., De Colonarium quarundani Phoeniciarum primordiis cum
Hebraeorum exodo conjunctis.
Burckhardt, Eastern Travels.
Cassel, Paulus, Zophnet Paneach Aeg>'ptische Deutungen,
Chabas, Melanges Egyptologiques. Series I, III. 1862-1873
DiJMiCHEN, Historische Inschriften, &c., 1st series, 1867.
2nd series, 1869.
Altaegyptische Kalender-Inschriften, 1886.
Tempel-Inschriften, 1S62. 2 vols., folio.
Ebers, G., Papyrus Ebers.
Erman, Papyrus Westcar.
Etudes Egyptologiques. 13 vols., complete to 1880.
Gayet, E., Steles de la XII dynastie a\i Musee du Louvre.
Golenischeff, Die Metternichstele. Folio, 1S77.
Vingt-qualre Tablettes Cappadociennes de la Collection de.
Grant-Bey, Dr., The Ancient Egyptian Religion and the Influence it exerted
on the Religions that came in contact with it.
Haupt, Die Sumerischen Familiengesetze.
IIommel, Dr., Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens. 1892.
Feb. 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCIL^OLOGY. [rqoo.
Jastrow, M., a Fragment of the Babylonian " Dibbarra " Epic.
Jensen, Die Kosmologie der Babylonier.
Jeremias, Tyrus bis zur Zeit Nubukadnezar's Geschichtliche Skizze mit beson-
derer Berucksichtigung der Keilschriftlichen Quellen.
Joachim, H., Papyros Ebers, das Alteste Buch iiber Heilkunde.
Johns Hopkins University. Contributions to Assyriology and Comparative
Semitic Philology.
Krebs, F., De Chnemothis nomarchi inscriptione Aegyptiaca commentatio,
Lederer, Die Biblische Zeitrechnung vom Auszuge aus Aegypten bis zum
Beginne der Babylonische Gefangenschaft mit Beriicksichtigung der Re-
sultate der Assyriologie und der Aegyptologie.
Ledrain, Les Monuments Eg}'ptiens de la Bibliotheque Nationale.
LEFi:BURE, Le Mythe Osirien. a'"^ partie. "Osiris."
Legrain, G., Le Livre des Transformations. Papyrus demotique du Louvre.
Lehmanm, Samassumukin Konig von Babylonien 668 v. Chr., p. xiv, 173;
47 plates.
Lepsius, Nubian Grammar, &c., 1880.
Maruchi, Monumenta Papyracea Aegyptia.
MiJLLER, D. H., Epigraphische Denkmaler aus Arabien.
NOORDTZIG, Israel's verblijf in Egypte bezien int licht-der Egyptische out-
dekkingen.
POGNON, Les Inscriptions Babyloniennes du Wadi Brissa.
Rawlinson, Canon, 6th Ancient Monarchy.
ROBIOU, Croyances de I'Egypte a I'epoque des Pyramides.
Recherches sur le Calendrier en %ypte et sur le clironologie des Lagides.
Sainte Marie, Mission a Carthage.
Sarzec, Decouvertes en Chaldee.
Schaeffer, Commentationes de papyro medicinali Lipsiensi.
SCHOUW, Charta papyracea graece scripta Musei Borgiani Velitris.
Schroeder, Die Phonizische Sprache.
Strauss and Tornev, Der Altagj'ptische Gotterglaube,
ViREV, P., Quelques Observations sur I'^pisode d'Aristee, a propos d'un
Monument Egyptien.
VISSF.R, I., Ilebreeuwsche Archaeologie. Utrecht, 1891.
Walther, J., Les Decouvertes de Nineve et de Babylone au point de vue
biblique. Lausanne, 1890.
WiLCKEN, M., Actenstiicke aus der Konigl. Bank zu Theben.
WiLTZKE, De Biblische Simson der Ag)'ptische Horus-Ra.
WiNCKLER, Hugo, Der Thontafelfund von El Amarna. Vols. I and II.
Textbuch-Keilinschriftliches zum Alten Testament.
Weissleach, ¥. II., Die Achaemeniden Inschriften Zweiter Art.
Wesselev, C, Die Pariser Papyri des Fundes von El Fajum.
Zeitsch. der Deutschen Morgenl. Geselisch., Vol. XX to Vol. XXXII, 1866
to 1878.
ZiMMERN, II., Die Assyriologie als Hiilfswissenschaft fiir das Studium des Alten
Testaments.
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The Egyptian Book of the Dead.
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By the late SIR P. LE PAGE RENOUF, Knt. {President);
CONTAINING ALSO
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Subscribers' names to lie Addressed to the Secretary.
Society of Biblical Archeology.
COUNCIL, 1900.
President. »
Prof. A. H. Sayc e, LL.D., &c., &c.
Vice- Preside )its .
The Most Rev. His Grace The Lord Archhishop of York.
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VOL. XXII, Part 3.
PROCEEDINGS
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VOL. XXII. THIRTIETH SESSION.
Third Meeting, March I'^th, 1900.
*,fe
CONTENTS.
PAGE
Dr. James Henry Breasted. — The Monuments in the Inscriptions 88-95
Dr. James Henry Breasted. — The Annals of Thuthmose III,
and the Location of Megiddo 96-98
Percy E. Newberry. — Tlie word AVia ; a diwan or "office'' 99-105
Alfred Boissikr. — Notes d'AssyrioIogie 106-114
Joseph Offord. — Phoenician Inscription at Greenock (//a/f) 114,115
E. TowRY Whyte, M.A., F.S. A.— Egyptian Models of Fish;
Egyptian Camp Stool (//rt/fij) 116, 117
Walter L .Nash, F.S. A. — A Wooden Handle for Small Cymbals,
from Egypt (/J/a/i?) 117, llS
B. P. Lascelles. — Drawings by Sir Gardner Wilkinson 118-120
Joseph Offord. — Note on the Geography of Phoenician Inscrip-
tions 120, 121
F. Legge. — The word Armageddon 121, 122
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Council Meeting at 4 p.m.
PROCEEDINGS
OF
THE SOCIETY
OF
BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.
THIRTIETH SESSION, 1900.
Third Meeting, i-i^tk March, 1900.
F. D. MOCATTA, F.S.A., Vice-President,
IN THE CHAIR.
The following Candidates were elected Members of the
Society, having been nominated in February : —
Dr. James H. Breasted, Flensburger Strasse 13, Berlin.
Rev. Thomas H. Richards, 80, Bramstone Road, Burton-on-
Trent.
The following Candidate was nominated for election at
the next Meeting in May : —
Rev. A. B. Sayce, Royal Societies Club, St. James's Street.
A Note by Prof Sayce {President), was read by the
Secretary.
Two Papers by Dr. James H. Breasted, " On the Annals
of Thothmes III, and the location of Megiddo," and "The
Monuments in the Inscriptions," were read by Mr. F. Legge.
Remarks were added by Dr. Gaster, Admiral Sir Erasmus
Ommaney, C.B., Mr. John Tuckwell, Mr. F. Legge, the
Secretary, and Chairman.
Thanks were returned for these communications.
[No. CLXVII.] 87 I
Mar. 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1900.
THE MONUMENTS IN THE INSCRIPTIONS.
By James Henry Breasted,
A line of study in Egyptology, which still remains for the most
part uninvestigated, is a comparison of the monuments with the
data which they furnish concerning themselves. The extant
material would easily make a considerable volume, if not two, and
would yield a harvest of invaluable results for history, archaeology,
and the lexicon. The following remarks contain a series of casual
observations made while reading for an entirely different purpose,
but they will illustrate the truth of the above statements.
I.
The inscription of Khnemhotep at Benihasan contains the exact
dimensions of two doors belonging to his tomb, which are of
importance to metrology as w^ell as to the lexicon. A comparison
between the data of the inscription and the surviving tomb has
never been made so far as I know. The superb edition of
Be?iihasafi by the Archaeological Survey of the Fund furnishes us
with an accurate text and exact plans and measurements, making
such a comparison now possible. The passage in question is as
follows* : —
Xi r "„,~ v.;"-^ " " "
to" -mmnr^wL. Hill II ^^:^%^M-"^^LJ ^ " 'Jol ,
Ck
AAAA^VA ^^AA/yv
TX /N/\AA/\A
"I madet a door of 7 cubits, from cedar wood J — ? for the
* Bhiihasait, I, pi. XXVI, 11. 200-204.
* ■Hint
t This yrny (anu'i) may belong to the preceding U^^ \ y as in the
following lines.
X We have 'rf (dS) here written with determinative of the fruit or cone preced-
ing, a writing not unknown. « ;/^ (<r« fiega) is troulilesonic ; the 11 may be a
negative and n^ mean " perish or decay " (a pure guess), hence " imperishable " ? ?
It seems to have nothing to do with wj^'w =:" without " (Ernian, Gespriich.,
p. 43)-
88
Mar. 13] PROCEEDINGS. [lyoo.
first doorway of the toinlj ; two doors for* an opening of 5 cubits,
2 palms, for the shrine of the august chamber, which is in this
tomb."
The " first doorway " must of course be the doorway leading
into the main chamber of the tomb. The dimension given refers
to the height of the door itself, not of the opening or doorway as in
the case of the second door. With this dimension of the door we
are now to compare the measurements of the surviving stone
Aooxway, and cannot of course expect an exact correspondence,
The height of this doorway from threshold to lintel is 1427 inches,
while the space behind the threshold into which the door swung
when closed is, of course, slightly higher, i46'3 inches.! The
door was about 1 44*5 5 inches (7 average cubits of 20*65 inches),
that is nearly 2 inches longer than the height between threshold
and lintel, thus allowing the door to lap nearly an inch at each
end, as we should expect.
The second door is more interesting. In the first place it was a
double or folding door. There is only one double door in this
tomb, and that is the door to the shrine containing Khnemhotep's
statue, where the holes for the pivots are still preserved on each side
of the doorway. J In this case our inscription specifies that the
" opening " is 5 cubits 2 palms § in height, and the opening of the
doorway to-day is 109 '2 5 inches in height, giving us the equations:
5 cubits 2 palms or 37 palms = 1 09*2 5 inches.
I palm = 2*9527 inches.
I cubit (7 palms) = 20'688 inches. ||
* Text has gen. "('/an opening."
t Both dimensions on Plate XXII.
X See Plate XXIIIa and p. 53.
§ The sign <^g^^ " palm" is slightly mutilated, but the reading " palm " is
perfectly certain, for besides being an improbable fraction, the finger would
necessarily be vertical, thus ]] , and a dual would be written 1 1 ; cf. also
Griffith, P.S.B.A., XIV, 404-405.
II Lepsius (L.D., I, 60) gives the height of the opening as 278" ; giving the
equation :
5 cubits 2 palms or 37 palms = 278".
I palm = •07513™.
I cubit (7 palms) — •52591™.
This is higher than •5250, Lepsius's result (Die Altaegyptische Elle, Berlin,
1865, Taf. I), and more nearly coincides with that of Brugsch, •52686" (Aegyp-
tologie, 372).
89 I 2
Mar. 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [igcxj.
In accuracy the ancient measurement leaves nothing to be
desired.*
Furthermore, the identification of this doorway determines
accurately the meaning of -^nps *^<cz> | ] ■ It is here the shrine
hewn in the back wall of the main chamber, to contain the statue
of the deceased. This fixes accurately also the meaning of
^ I I Jh f] as the large colonnaded chapel, the main
chamber of the tomb, to which the 'czips ^^<cz> || belonged.
11.
The inscription of Inni ( [I '''"'^^ [ Y^] contains much of architec-
^ \S AAAA/V\ S pi\ J
tural as well as of historical importance. The historical data which
it furnishes have been very fully discussed, but the architectural
references have not been treated. At present I can do no more
than call attention to two most important monuments on which it
furnishes us evidence.
I. It has sometimes been stated that Thutmose I erected only
one of the two obelisks standing before his pylons in Karnak.
The standing obelisk states that he erected both.f
This is corroborated by the inscription of Inni.
2. I think it has not been noted that Inni was the architect who
constructed the cliff-tomb of Thutmose I, the earliest royal tomb of
this kind of which we are informed. The passage is as follows : §
* As the average of the extant rods Petrie gives 20 '65, and from the great
pyramid 20*620 (Encyc. Brit.)
t L.D., 111,6.
% Kcc, XII, 106, 1. 9. These were afterward landed at Karnak (1. 10), and
as no other obelisks of Thutmose I are known there, they must be the pair in the
great Amon temple.
§ Kec. XIII, 107, 11. II-13. I have also collated Boussac's publication of
the tomb in the " Mission," but his texts are worthless.
90
Mar. 13]
PROCEEDINGS.
[190C.
M
|x *="Tr"^^
S^_„^
-<2>-
o
mm 4
III
I I
I I I
yp^mP;Ta
! I I
w
" I supervised the excavation of the cHff-tomb of his majesty,
alone,t no one seeing, no one hearing. I sought out the necessaries |
(12) excellent; watchful in seeking that which was
Boussac :
^
About one -fourth of a line is lost at the end of each
line
t Participle introduced by ^ ; the two forms following are also participles.
t This word © ^%. Jj} is regularly used to designate the equipment of a
tomb, or anything offered to the dead or a god, e.g., in the inscription of Sebni
Assuan (1. 4 from Berlin squeeze), and often.
91
Mar. 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1900.
necessary.* I arranged a clay t field, in order to plaster their tombs
of the necropolis. It was a work, [the like? J] of which had not
been done since the ancestors. I had § [it] done therein. ||
(13) I sought out for posterity; it was a work of my heart."
The meanino; of "^ here is clear from the context, as
well as from usage elsewhere. It is of course originally a word for
"highland, plateau, cliffs," as the determinative indicates, and it
occurs with that meaning. That it should gradually come to
* Verbal adjective, j^//.r/' (('?x/"0 5 see Sethe, Verbum, II, § 974.
t /T'A (qah) is an uncertain word ; it occurs in Ebers (68, 16) as ^^ /\ | 'tT?
a substance applied to burns. This would fit the meaning suggested by the
context above. Another example occurs at Assiut (Griffith, Plates XIII and XX,
11. 19-20) where, in referring to the restoration of the temple, Kheti I speaks of
looking to the future.
000-^11
^
111®
" in order to raise the eternal walls,
" the ancient places of offering ;
" in order to — } the venerable ground."
The determinative of /\ ^. \ is here uncertain, but the meaning "clay" for
the less specific " ground," is quite possible. The MS. of the Berlin lexicon thus
far offers no further examples than that from Pap. Ebers. The clay field was
made in order to plaster (shr, without determinative !) or overlay the walls of
the tomb chambers, and such clay smeared walls have been frequently found.
The verb shpr {sexeper) is strange in such a context.
■*■ 6 ^ omitted in the publication ?
§ This explains the passage in Ilatshepsut's obelisk inscription : Jjl^J ' '' • y
^/| ub 1^ '^~~p* "My Majesty had work done upon them" {viz., the obelisks,
L.D., III, 24^/, north side, last line), followed by the length of time. It is
possible that C^ has been omitted in our publications and that we are to read
{sUny, subst. form of the verb) : " That which I ordered done therein happened "
(bpr, masc. pseudopart. See Sethe, Verbtnn^ § 14); S''t7jf, "that which he
ordered or exacted " is common.
II If this passage is not incorrectly copied, its meaning is uncertain without
the following context.
92
Mar. 13] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
designate the necropolis located in the cliffs was very natural, as at
El Kab : *
" (When) thou art buried in the western necropolis." (Paheri 9,
Backwall).
The word was however still further specialized to mean the
individual tomb itself.t thus :
"^IWi^f^
— ^^ ^ <^ ^__^AAA^ ^
1 1 <=> ^ w;
" O, every prophet, every priest, every scholar, who comes to
[this] tomb of the necropolis." | Or again
<©> ^ n =
" Tomb of the (Memphite) necropolis." §
1 r^/^
In our context, the meaning " tomb " is evident from the connec-
tion which follows, and especially from the preceding verb, s^d, " dig,
excavate,"!) which could apply only to the tomb. There was there-
fore documentary evidence in our hands before the discovery of
Thutmose I's tomb, that he had been buried in the cliffs of western
Thebes,11 and not in a masonry tomb on the plain below, as was
1H
It was also used to designate the temple of Hathor in the district :
(Brugsch, Diet. Geog., 523). For its possible use in
C^ '^ lOi
reference to the Gizeh necropolis, see Borchardt, Z.A., XXXII, 88ff. The," upper
chamber" (^\y S — ^ «-~-> ^^)' "leaning the king's mortuary chapel (Uni,
1. 49), owing to the lack of the determinative Q£^ , has no other connection
with our word than the common root.
t That may be its meaning in the preceding example.
+ Stela Berlin, 2118 ; 3rd cent. B.C.
§ Berlin, 12410; I am indebted for this and the preceding example to the
IVLS. lexicon at Berlin.
II sV (Md) is used especially of excavating rock, e.g., the rock of the first
cataract : " His Majesty sent [me] to dig I <::r> TtlM ^v d^> ^^M ) ^ ^^"^^^
in the south" (Uni, 11. 45-46); and again: "His Majesty commanded to dig
(^'d) this canal." (Inscription of Thutmose III on Sehel at the first cataract.)
IT I have similar remarks in Class MS. used over two years ago before a
class in the University of Chicago. The tomb of Thutmose I was discovered by
Loret last winter
93
Mar. 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1900.
customary before his time. The remarkable references to the secrecy
with which the tomb was constructed, are quite in accord with the
indications about the tomb itself.
It is not quite certain that the section following (beginning
ywd'rny = aio t'drnd) belongs to the description of the construction
of the king's tomb, owing to the lacuna at the end of line 11, and
the plural suffix with ysw-sn, where we expect yszo-s, if the reference
is to the king's tomb.
Later.
The inscriptions on the Louvre statue of Hepuseneb published
by Mr. Newberry in the last issue of the Proceedings (XXII, pp.
32 ff) have just reached me. They furnish an important confirma-
tion of the reference to the tomb of Thutmose I in the inscription
of Inni,
Among his other commissions Hepuseneb was commissioned by
Thutmose I " to conduct the work on his cliff-tomb " (1. 8). The
word for "cliff-tomb " is ^ as in the inscription of Inni, and
Hepuseneb perhaps was one of Inni's subordinates, or the reverse.
In 1. 17, after a lacuna, there is a reference to some object (the
name was in the lacuna) " of ebony wrought with gold." It occurred
to Prof. Sethe and me, on seeing this, that it may be the well known
ebony shrine of Der-el-Bahri (Vol. II, pi. XXV-XXIX). The in-
scription is another illustration of the importance of contemporaneous
evidence regarding the monuments. Is not the royal name inserted
also (as on the ebony shrine) for that of Hatshepsut? See y
twice and -r- \ (!!) which certainly cannot belong to Thutmose I.
IIL
Among the rewards received by Amenemheb, the officer who
accompanied Thutmose HI, on his Syrian campaigns, were
^-=---/j (11. 16 and 21)* usually rendered "helmets." In Ebers's
corrected text,t line 16 has ■> — . /) ! ! and line 21, ^ Jv .
• Z.A., 1873, p. 5.
t Z.D.M.G., XXX, facing p. 396.
94
Mar, 13] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
The same objects were also presented to Ahmose-pen-Nekhbet of
Elkab, by Ahmose I. The word has disappeared on the Louvre
statue-base,* but is well preserved on a duplicate! in possession of
Mr. Finlay, where it appears as a^^-^ m. This is the word written :
in Pap. Ebers, I and meaning "flies." The 'ff were
therefore the well-known golden flies of the Cairo collection, and
these texts explain their use. § Flies of bone or ivory are also in
the Berlin collection.
* Leps., Aus7u., XIV — Prisse, Mon., IV.
t Maspero, Z.A., 1883, p. 78.
J In the receipt, 97, 20-21.
§ Sethe informs me that in the MS. of Steindorff's " Bliithezeit," which has
not yet appeared, there is a remark that golden flies were presented to deserving
officers. It occurs to me that I have also seen it somewhere in the " Records of
the Past," and the remark may be an old one.
95
Mar. 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH-OOLOGY. [1900.
THE ANNALS OF THUTMOSE III, AND THE LOCATION
OF MEGIDDO.
James Henry Breasted.
The annals of Thutmose III furnish us unequivocal testimony
as to the location of Megiddo, at el-Lejjun, called in question by
Conder. As this testimony has never been fully employed, it may
be well to briefly present it here, for the use of Biblical students.
On the 19th of Pachons (year 23), Thutmose had already
pushed up the southern slope of Carmel, on the Megiddo road, and
camped that night at a place called Erune (' rtvn '), which has not
yet been identified (1. 57).* On the morning of the 20th he resumed
the march northward (1. 58), and while in the mountains was attacked!
by the enemy in sufficient numbers to excite the fears of the Egyptian
officers lest the rear, which was still in Erune, | should be cut off and
isolated, and at the same time be unable to assist them in forcing
the passage of the mountains (11. 72-77). Thutmose therefore
halted till the rear came up (1. 77), and the advance was then re-
sumed. At noon the front issued from the pass, and almost an hour
later, " his majesty arrived at the south of Megiddo" (1. i).§ Now
in the narrative of the 20th, before the statement that the rear had
* From the texts of the Annals : L.D., III, 31I), 11. 1-67 ; ib. 32, 11. 1-32 =
Br. Thes., V, pp. 1153-1166, 11. 1-79 and i-2i. Lines cited from L.D., unless
otherwise indicated.
+ This encounter in the mountains has escaped all the historians except
Meyer [Gesch., 239). See t'.^--., Maspero, Struggle, 257, Wiedemann, Gesc/i.,
347-
X The text is quite clear on this point: "Now the rear of the victorious
army of his majesty was at Erune " {1. 69).
§ 'Ihes., p. 1159.
96
Mar. 13] PROCEEDINGS. • [1900.
left Erune, and just before the account of the encounter with the
enemy in the mountains, we find the following words :
J
r^^^^^
" The south wing was in Taanach, the north wing was in the
ground south of " t These words have always been
applied to the Egyptian army. But this is utterly impossible ; long
before the front has issued from the mountain pass leading to Me-
giddo, and while the rear is still in Erune, on the south slope where
they spent the night, we are to believe that the south wing is at
Taanach, on the north side of the Carmel range and far to the east !
If the south wing of the Egyptians was at Taanach, the north wing
must have been considerably further north, and not in the mountains.
The whole difficulty is cleared away when we refer the words to the
enemj.l They were waiting for the Egyptians in the plain of Jezreel,
with their south wing at Taanach,§ and their line extending thence
toward Megiddo.|| At the same time they have a force in the
mountains harassing the Egyptians as they pass along the Megiddo
road. As the Egyptians advanced to battle the next day, Thutmose
had thrown out his north wing to the north-west of Megiddo,1I
having camped south of Megiddo the night before. This shows
that the enemy had in the interval shifted norih-weshvard from
Taanach, for the defence of Megiddo.
These data are decisive in determining the location of Megiddo.
A Syrian army which is defending Megiddo is posted with the south
* L.D., III, 3 lb, 11. 63-64 = Brugsch, Thes., V, p. 1158, 11. 63-64.
t The lacking geographical name has been supposed by most commentators
to be Megiddo.
X The position of the words in the narrative, before the account of the
encounter with the enemy in the mountains, is what we should expect ; first the
enemy's position, then the encounter. The reference to the enemy has doubtless
been lost in one of the many lacunie.
§ Probablyto cover the Taanach road.
li This is not proven by the restoration of Megiddo in the above lacuna, bu
by the position of Thutmose's army on the next day.
IT Text : Brugsch, Thes. V, p. 1161, 1. 3 = L.D., III, 32, 1. 3.
97
Mar. 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII/EOLOGY. [1900.
wing at Taanach (Tannuk), and a small advanced force harassing
an enemy advancing northward through the mountains along the
Megiddo road. It will be seen at once that these operations will
not suit Mujedda, east of Mount Gilboa, where Conder places
Megiddo ; on the other hand, they suit the location of Megiddo at
el-Lejjun in every particular. Indeed, if we had no other data for
the identification of Megiddo, these facts would decisively locate it
in the vicinity of el-Lejjun.
In the discussion which followed the reading of this note, it was
pointed out that Col. Conder's proposed identification of INIujedda
with the ancient Megiddo, had already been refuted in the Quarterly
Statement of the P.E.F. [1880, p. 224, and 1881, p. 232]. In the
translation of the Annals given in Prof. Petrie's History of Egypt,
Vol. II, pp. 106, sgq., the encounter in the mountains and the
identification of the army, whose positions are given as that of the
Syrians and not of the Egyptians, are fully suggested. It is satis-
factory to find that Dr. Breasted and Prof. Petrie's translations,
working apparently on independent lines, have both arrived at the
same conclusion. In the History the modern Arareh is suggested
as the site of Erune or Aaruna.
W. H. R.
98
Mar. 13] PROCEEDINGS. 1900.
THE WORD I'^fjllj] KM.A, A '' dIwAN" OR
"OFFICE."
By Percy E. Newberry.
The word T *^^\ \\h [!j | kha (sometimes written
ukhci, and -W ) '^^. 11 [ir~zi uakJii) frequently occurs in Egyptian
inscriptions of all periods from the time of the Vlth Dynasty. It
is derived from vNT ^^ '"■^'''^ 7ikha,'^ ''a column," and means
primarily a "columnar chamber " or " columned hall," in which sense
it occurs in the Pyramid Texts {Pepy I, 432). From the begin-
ning of the Middle Kingdom, however, its use seems to be confined
to a columnar-chamber used for judicial and business purposes,
and the word therefore corresponds very nearly to the Arabic j_^U.' J
diwan, which is not merely an " office " or " place of account or
reckoning," but also " a court, an audience hall, tribunal of justice,
revenue, &:c." From representations in a tomb at Beni Hasan t
and in the tombs of three vezirs at Thebes, it appears that the kha
was a rectangular hall, the roof of which was supported by two rows
of three columns each. The determinative of the word
shows that it was walled on both sides, and from the Beni Hasan
and Theban paintings it is clear that only one end was bounded by
a wall, the other end being open to the air. From the following
study of the word it will be seen that {a) the king and his principal
officers each had their own audience hall or office, and that {b) the
chief departments of the administration possessed an office also.
A variant v^ ® U A "iM« occurs in a Xlth Dynasty stela from Abyclos
(Mar., Cat. Abyd., 545).
t Vide Belli Hasan I, PL XXVI, right hand side of doorway, upper row.
99
Mar 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGV. [1900,
[a ) The audience-halls or diwans of the King and his
ofificials.
(^) i^^ i — ^ ^^ seten, "diwan es sultan," the
hall of audience where the king administered publicly his affairs
and conferred his favours : = vL, ) ^^^ [T | cr~3 uakh, Sanehet,
1. 251, "the royal children stood before the rt^J-palace to conduct
me ; the ^^w^r;/-courtiers who were to introduce * me to the 7iakh
brought me on the way to the rt^^z/z/Z-interior." In the Westcar
Papyrus, VIII, 9, 10, we read: "his majesty went into the
X| NK\ \\\ "^"^ °^ ^^^ per -da and Deda was introduced to
him." In the Boulac Papyrus, A^o. 18, it is in the iiakjii of the
per-aa \\v2& feka, "rewards," are given (PI. XXVI, Entry No. i).
So also in the same document it is to the uakKi that the TO (2 ^
— (O—
"ofificials" are invited or "proceed" in order to eat bread
[with the king?] (Pis. XXXVII and XXXVIII and PI. XLV,
where are given two mn-ren-ef, " lists of names," of the officials
setau er iinein ta who went to eat bread in the uakhi). Again, in
PI. XVII, Entry No. 4, certain fteter hetepu, " divine offerings," are
stated to be ^J^ niaa, " offered," in the uaMi to the god
Mentu when he visited the great house." It is in the -J? nlr Wm\
iiaM {Rekhmara, IX, 2) that Thothmes III instals Rekhmara into
the vezirate of Upper Egypt. The chief officer of this diwan was
T^~l X. ^"^^ — ^ "^ seten, "overseer of the royal
audience-hall," who doubtless had charge of the police regulations,
and was perhaps also a kind of master of the ceremonies. At Drah
Abu'l Negga is the tomb of a certain Neb-Amen who filled this
position under Thothmes II. At a later period we read of an
* It is interesting to note that the word I p, ^^X setaii is also
used in the same connection in the Westcar Papyrus, viii, 10; in the Boulac
Papyrus, No. 18 ; on the stele of Antef in the Brit. Mus., No. 572 (quoted below) ;
and in Rekhmara, IX, 2. It has the sense of moving in an orderly manner, as
of soldiers marching {cf. Toml) of Amenemheb, where mcnfyt, soldiers, are
)•
said to
100
Mar. 13] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
-^ da ne kha tie nebt ef, "great one of the
audience hall of his Lord {i.e., the king) (Hood- Wilboiir Papyrus.
in Brit. Mus., and (/! Sharpe, Egyptian Inscripiio?is, 2nd series,
pi. 30) ; he is evidently the same official as the earlier vier kh^ ne
seten. Maspero {Journ. Asiatique, 1888, p. 278) considers that the
da ne kha corresponds to the v7roi.iv)m(n6''{pa(f)oi cited by Strabo
(797), but this latter officer was an Alexandrian official solely con-
cerned with the writing of minutes and records, and T can see no
reason for connecting him with the earlier da 7ie kha {cf. Lumbroso,
Recherches, pp. 180-182).
c^
(^^ 1 ^^ li jijl '^^'^'^ (i^ kha ne zaf, diwan el wezir, " the
audience hall of the vezir," in which spent, "petitions," were heard,
judgments given and business of all kinds transacted (cf Rekhmara,
II, III, IV). Taxes were paid into it {Rekhniara, V, VI), and
supplies of corn, &c., were drawn from it for government officials
{Bo2iIac Papyrus, No. 18, Pis. XXV, XXVII and XXIX, &c.).
Officials received their commissions and orders in it {Louvre, C. 12).
Legal documents were drawn up in it {Kahun Papyri, XIII, 10,
where there is a will, " made in the kha ne zat in the presence
of the vezir "). In it was taken the oath of allegiance {Kahun
Papyri, IX, 1-16, census list of a household who took oath of
allegiance in the kha ne zat; cf. idem, ix, 22, another similar
document, and Grebaut, Rec. de Monuments Choises, II, where there is
apparently mentioned an -^ U ^|\ made in the kha ne zat
User [temp. 21 Thothmes III]). Accounts of payments for govern-
ment officials {K.P. XIII, lo-ii); requisitions for food {Boulac
Papyrus, No. 18, XIX) as well as other official writings {Rekh-
mara III, 27) were made in it. Documents were sealed with the
office seal (Petrie, lUahfin, IX, 5 and 9, where are two impressions
from large scarabs bearing the name of the^M« ne zat.)*
The officials whose duty it was to attend in the kha of the vezir,
were, besides the vezir himself: —
W „ Cf p:^^^ *?^ o
mer
_ (") The J^ 55^ ^^ -^ ® J (jg ^ ^
akhemiti ne kha ne zat, " overseer of the interior of the office of the
vezir {Melanges ArcheoL, 1875, p. 217 ; Rekhmara, II, 2). One of
For a plan of the vezir's office and for the arrangement of the officials in it,
see my Rekhmara.
lOI
Mar. 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHiEOLOGY. [1900.
his duties was to introduce the officials into the vezir's presence
(Stela of Antef in Brit. Mus., No. 572*) ; he had also to be cour-
teous to all (Sharpe, Egyptian Inscriptions^ 2nd Series, PI. 83, 1. 12);
and to be acquainted with the business carried on in all government
departments {idem, l.q.).
(b) The %n ^^ ari khet ak, " officer concerned with
things entering," perhaps the keeper of the stores which were
deposited in the office ? {Rekhmara, II, 2 ; cf. Mar., Mon. Ahyd.^
208).
(r) The twenty -^^ 4^ 1 urn res met, "elders of the southern
tens " {Rekhmara, II, 2 ; for the number see idem, IV).
{d) The twenty '^plMf^ 4^5 sesjiu ne zat" scribes of
the vezir {^Rekhmara, II, 2, and for the number see idem, IV).
R\ lllllllll (3 I Q^ ^ ^^
{e) The %n I (jof '^^^ '^'^ '^^ — ^ ^^ ^^^' " ^''■^^'^b
or door-keeper of the audience-hall of the vezir," Mar., Mon. Abyd.,
250, and idem, 334, where I suspect i — ( needs correcting to immu ;
cf. also Schiap., Cat. Flor., p. 86.
(/) The ^ ^ M^ I -wwsA >^ uput ne zat, "messengers of
the vezir " {Rekhmara, II, 3, et seq.).
{0) The ushers of the court, who, armed with short staves, brought
forward the petitions {Rekhmara, IV).
(3) 1 ^iv njfn '"'^'^^t^\)\ M« ^i^ ^'i^^ khetem,^ "office of
the Chancellor," perhaps equivalent to the Arab dnvan el bet el
mal. The chief official here was, of course, the 7ner khetent^
under whom was a ] "^^ ''^^^ T \\m ^""^^ t^\) I ^'^^^
* The text runs 1 1 "^iT" '^^t V\?i I /^vw^ .=4r^ . V^. I ^
1 1 \^ ^^\ <II^ (<c^~^ sctaii uric ne keiiia erte em bah her
I I I I m m I a a. K^^
-Wi^/ 5^« em kha ne repa zat, " [I] introduced the ciders of the south and caused
them to fall down upon their bellies {i.e., to bow down to the ground) in the
office of the Erpa and vezir."
t I have collected a large amount of evidence concerning this title and believe
that the ^\^ sign should here be read khetcm and not sahu.
102
Mar. 13] PI >ci-i NGS. [1900.
akhenut ne kha ne mer kheiem, ■'Overseer of the interior of the
chancellor." (Stele of Any-ankh in i le Gizeh Museum; cf. Mar.,
Mon. Aby., 229, and Louvre, C 5, leuip. Amenemhat III.)
(4^ i ^v f/vww- ""'^'^^^ —'^ \/^^ ^■"-^\ "office of the mayor."
Khnemhetep, the /id of the town of Menat-Khufu in Middle
Egypt {temp. Xllth Dynasty), writes : — qed-nd V\ # T ^^. CTD
"ejH-iid em an se-dhd-nd sii em nkhit ne mat sesh em ren-d zes-d, " I
lilt an office which I found as a field : I set it up on columns new,
■itten upon with my own name" {Beni Hasan, I, xxvi, 11. 194-199).
;(> columns of Rekhmara's kha, it should be noted, bear his name
veil as that of the then reigning king, Thothmes III {Rekhmara,
IV). On the west wall of the tomb of Khnemhetep two khas are
•^cfured {Bent Hasan, I, xxix, upper row, right hand side) ; over
ne tliC J^\\\ ^^^^^ khetem, "chancellor," is presiding, over the
«. l.er appears to be the j 'wwva ^^ mer per ne per zet,
"steward of the wakf."
'-^ .'- L^ f ^v ^' — '^ "^ uhem, "office of the Regis-
trar.' ..hun Papyri, XII, 5, it is stated that a dossier of legal
docun:°nt containing copies of titles to property was deposited in
the khct'^'^" 'I ^\ ^ ^ ^ 4 ' "office of the second regis-
trar (?) o :'n. South." In the same collection of papyri (xxxiv,
^1- 37~3^) -^^ is said to " die in the Ma of the uhemu."*
{b) The dhvdns of the administrative departments.
(6) T ^\ rrSnl ^^ww. kha m per-seten, "office of the
royal domain." In Rekhmara, III, we read that entef dr
m-A
(2
"it is he {i.e., the vezir) who appoints the
superintendents of the j-^f^/z^-courtiers in the office of the royal
domain." It is probable that it is to the khas of the per-seten that
Griffiths remarks in a note on this passage that " in modern Egypt the verb
CU*^ is often used in exaggerated speech for the effect of hard work : this may
be the case here." I would, however, suggest that met ef em kha 7ie 7ihe!)ia may
be legal expression meaning that a man's name has been erased from the registrar's
roll, in other words, that a man is an outlaw, legally dead ?
103 K
Mar. 13] SOCIETY OF BIBL • .L ARCHAEOLOGY. [1900.
Amenemhat refers in his biog ;phical inscription at Beni Hasan
a "fi CD I
{B.H.I., VIII, 17) nen hert-a a em I ^^. V_y . There
were no arrears to me in any o s {i.e. the king's) khas."
(7) i ^V ^^ 9 ' — ^ ^^ ^'^^' "o^c^ o^ t^^ fields."
In an unpubhshed inscription of the XVIIIth Dynasty at El Kab, a
certain Renni is called I \ ^ v^^ ^^ ^^\ X 1
spet-her em kha ne aid, " clever (or sharp) in the office of the fields."
In the tomb of Sebeknekht, also at El Kab, the kha ne aht is likewise
mentioned {L.D., iii, 136) ; and in the Kahun Papyri, IX, 9-22, we
read of " a copy of a census list of a household who took oath o^
allegiance in the kha of the vezir," being dr em kha ne a)
\^ ^, "made in the office of the fields of the north-
Uart."
(^) l*^^ '^^ ^^^ "^ ^e';/^, "office of the gra, jy."
This office appears to be mentioned in the Kahun Papyri (Xr.'.i. 2),
where it is stated that a list of workmen was drawn up in i in the
presence of an >S ^^k adenu, "wakil," by the O ^':a^ htseb
remt.
(9) 1^^ h ^^^ ^'^ '^^ ^^^^ reint, "offir.- of providing
men," and as Griffith suggests, " the labour bureau.'' n the Kahun
Papyri (XllI, 1 1) there is mentioned an ajii "^ ^^v Q M^ kha ne
fete remt^ " scribe with the seal of the labour office." Another official
n °8Mfr'
of this bureau is named on a stela from Abydos : Hh 1 kha
iete remt, '■'■ am-sa'> of the labour office." Cat. Ab. 897.
(10) T ''^^^tipl \^ \ hha ne seshu, "office of writings"
{i.e. Library). In the Anastasi Papyrus I {Select Papyri, I, 2) we
read of a sebay kher-a em^\U^ tipj V\ ^\ , "busy teacher in the
library." In the Harris Papyrus /, 26, 9, | i ^^ > uzut, "written
orders" are said to be stored in the kha ne seshu ne Tamerd,
" office of the Library of Egypt " {i.e., Record Office). Secret docu-
ments were also preserved here {idem, 47, 8 and 57, 6 ; 60, 9).
104
Mar. 13] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
*" h sesji em kha tie sesh, " scribe in the office
of book" {I.e. Librarian) is mentioned in a late text in the Louvre
(Brugsch, D.G., 1135).
(11) T I \\ kha ne per-iuat, " office of the house
S 7v JtN^ I 1
of prayer." Ramses III {Harris Papyrus, I, 79> i) records that
'* he made people to live in the house of prayer." ,
<3 1 I |_ _j
(12) I 0 Cni] , M« ^^^ per dnkh, "office of the house
of life." This is only mentioned on the statue of the ur sunu,
"physician," Uz-her-per-seten (No. 113 of the Vatican Collection,
cf. Brugsch, Lex., 1023).
(13) T '^^WIQ cr^l^^ kka ur, "the great office." It was
one of RcKhmara's duties to inspect the divine offerings in the
temple of Amen at Karnak, and in one of the scenes in his tomb we
see him engaged in this task ; the inscription describing the scene
runs: _^g^^J ^ M "^^S^il "^4 ^
/lems em kha ur kheft yt em het-neter nei
Amen, "sitting in the great office when coming from the temple of
Amen." The " great office " was probably the dtwdn of the Temple
of Amen at Karnak.
P.S. — On looking over my note-books I find that I have omitted
to mention the following : —
To (2) add : — In the Abbott Papyrus, 7, 16, we read of a kha ne
I ^ [^^ W^ , " writing office of the Vezir."
To (9) add : On a stela of the Louvre (C. 249) we have
mentioned (i) a <^^| (t-d ne kha ne teie remt, "overseer of the
interior of the labour bureau," and (2) two Hii] ?ie kha ne teie remi,
" scribes of the labour bureau."
To (10) add : — In the Abbott Papyrus 7, 16, Zikha ne sesji ne%ai,
" writing office of the Vezir," is recorded.
105 K 2
Mar. 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY [1900.
NOTES D'ASSYRIOLOGIE
Par Alfred Boissier.
§ I. M. Wiedemann tout en admettant rimportance des inscrip-
tions assyriennes pour I'histoire de I'Egypte, a emis un jugement
empreint d'une sev^rite qui me parait excessive. II s'en prend a
Asarhaddon et a Assourbanapal ; Tun ayant parle de serpents a
deux tetes, I'autre ayant mentionne la Lydie comnie un pays
au-dela de la mer, doivent etre suspectes d'exageration et de
mauvaise foi. Examinons I'un et I'autre de ces arguments sans
nier cependant que M. Wiedemann n'ccrirait plus aujourd'hui ce
qu'il dcrivait en 1884. Je crois qu'il n'est pas un assyriologue
qui ne reconnaftrait comme moi, qu'Asarhaddon est de tous les
rois d'Assyrie le ])lus v(^ridiquc et le moins dispose a laisser galoper
son imagination, dans ses memoires militaires. Lorsqu'il se rend du
pays de Musur en Meluhha (voir Winckler, Musri, Meluhl)a, Ma'in),
c.-a.-d., du pays de Juda vers I'Arabie, il raconte qu'il parcourut
une contree infest^e de serpents a deux tetes (Budge, History of
Esarhaddon, p. 121). Ors il est hors de doute que ces serpents h.
deux tetes sont des amphisbhies, sauriens, au corps allong^, cercle
d'anneaux. dont la tete et la queue de forme conique presentent
une grande ressemblance entre elles ; je me suis adress^ a M. le
docteur Victor Fatio, qui a eu I'amabilit^ de me donner les details
suivants sur ces animaux : " Genre Amphisbhie, Ajiiphisbaena. Ce
nom vient de ayu0/9 et de jialvw, soit : marchant dans les deux sens.
Ce sont des reptiles rappelant a premiere vue des serpents, mais
appartenant aux sauriens, bien qu'ils n'aient pas des membres
apparents ; leurs narines sont petites et leurs yeux peu visibles."
L'espece mentiounee par le roi d'Assyrie parait etre I'Amphisbaena
Cinerea, Vandelli, dont il y a au Museum de Genbve deux
exemplaires.* M. Wintemitz, dans une monographic des plus
• Un de ces exemplaires que j'ai vus etait indique comme provenant des
environs de Tiberiade.
106
I
Mar. 13] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
captivantes, parue dans les Mittheilungen der Anthropologischen
GeseUschaft de Vienne, Vol. XVIII, p. 25 et suiv. (1888), sur ce
sujet : " Der Sarpabali, ein altindischer Schlangencult," rappelle (p.
35, Note i) que dans I'Atharvaveda le "svaja" designe un serpent a
deux tetes et il ajoute : " Der Svaja ist aber gewiss nichts anderes,
als die Amphisbaena der Alten, von der Plinius {Nat Hist, VIII,
23, 35), sagt : " Die Amphisbaena hat vorn und hinter einen Kopf,
als wenn es noch nicht genug ware, wenn sie aus einem Rachen
Gift spiee." Winternitz rapporte que le professeur Biihler vit un
jour une amphisbene qui se glissa sous sa tente ; comme il venait
de la tuer un Indou, qui se trouvait la lui dit : " Vous voyez bien que
le serpent a deux tetes." II n'y a done rien d'extraordinaire dans le
recit d'Asarhaddon. Les Assyriens de meme que les Indous et
d'autres peuples avaient donne le nom de serpents a deux tetes
aux arnphisbenes. Le mot stru designe par consequent tout animal
rampant, les ophidiens et les sauriens.
Passons a I'autre argument sur lequel M. Wiedemann s'appuie
pour taxer Assourbanapal de vantardise et d'exageration. Je trouve
qu'il ne merite aucune refutation, car pour les Assyriens, I'Asie-
Mineure occidentale ne pouvait etre qu'au dela de la Mediterrannee ;
la Lydie etait bien au delk puisqu'on pouvait y acceder par mer,
mais le roi d'Assyrie n'en conclut pas qu'on ne pouvait I'atteindre
par voie de terre. Que lorsqu'il pretend que ses predecesseurs n'en
avaient pas meme entendu le nom, cela pent etre mis en doutej
loin de moi de vouloir croire sur parole les recits de tous ces
monarques, mais il faut choisir des exemples probants pour
demontrer les lacunes des annales assyriennes. M. Wiedemann
nous excusera d'avoir voulu rehabiliter Asarhaddon et Assourbanapal ;
dans la prochaine edition de son histoire il leur rendra justice,
nous n'en doutons pas.
§ 2. Mindana, viindi, viandt.
L'explication donnee par Zimmern, Z.A,, Vol. IX, p. 104 et
suiv., n'est pas rigoureusement exacte. La traduction du passage
de Sancherib Bavian 40 est inadmissible. Pognon avait vu plus
juste. Voici comme je comprends: " Apprenant (mandima) que
Sancherib a ete mis en fureur, qu'il va retourner en Elam," etc.
Mandtjna ne peut avoir ici d'autre sens que celui indique par
t Agyptische Geschichie, 1884, pp. 99 et loo.
107
Mar. 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1900.
Zimmern pour abbima, piqa = " ersichtlich," etc., p. 109. Je suis
entibrement d'accord avec lui pour ce qu'il dit de I'assyrien i^"T?2»
th^me secondaire d'ou derive mindi, mais je crois que nous pouvons
arriver au meme sens par un autre chemin. II s'agit d'etre au clair
sur la colonne de gauche avec ses innombrables t-gi-in-zjc. Si I'on
part de ce principe faux a mon avis que iginzu est sumerien, on
n'arrivera pas a determiner la signification des mots de la colonne
de droite, tandis que si Ton reconnait en toute franchise que iginzn
recele un mot assyrien, on en obtiendra le sens par un raisonne-
ment parfaitement logique.
i-gi-in-zu = i-gi-iz-zu = i-gi-is-sii = i-gi-it-sn ; igitsu = igittu avec
sufifixe de la troisibme personne du masculin singulier. De plus
igittti = igiltu = feminin du mot I'gi^, voir Del., J^. IV., p. 13,
signifie "vision," '•'apparition," " constatation," "evidence," igitsu
{iginzu) = "sa constatation," " sa certitude," c.-a.-d., evidemment,
apparemment. Tel est le sens que Zimmern attribue a appuna,
piqa, c.-a.-d., " ersichtlich." C'est ainsi que nous pouvons com-
prendre le mandima du passage de Sancherib, qui signifie toute autre
chose que " seinerseits." D'apres ce qui precede nous pouvons
done etablir que Ui-us-sa-via ne signifie point " du setzest fest," ce
qui serait en contradiction absolue avec iginzu, mais " tu vois,"
" tu pergois," " tu comprends," d'un verbe D^tt)? qui n'a rien k
voir avec □^tlS " fest setzen," mais qui a le sens de " einsehen,"
d'oii le substantif tasimtu = " Einsicht." Conclusion : Par des
raisonnements a prioristiques bases sur la theorie sumerienne on
n'obtient aucun resultat precis, on reste a la surface des questions,
on pietine sur place.
§ 3. isk?e ■= kisku = kiksu.
Syllabaires de Scheil, Z.A., 1894, p. 220; Z.A., 1895, P- 202,
1. 5. Voici comme il faut completer Z.A., 1894, p. 220; S., 31,
52 obv.
1. kis{is)-kut =■ ki-ik-\su'\
2. kis{is)-kut = ni-ik-\su\
3. kis{is) '''"'"' -kut = ni-\ru\
II existe en assyrien un mot kiskutu, comme nous le voyons
soit par ce syllabaire soit par un autre publie par Scheil, Z.A., 1895,
p. 194 1. 5, kiskuttu ; la lecture est done certaine, quoique Meissner,
108
Mar. 13] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
Supplem., p. 49, et Scheil, Z.A., 1895, P- 203, I'aient mise en doute ;
kishitu, kiksu, niksu, ni'ru, sont parfaitement semitiques. Je
rappellerai que kaksii, Del., If.W., p. 327, me parait devoir etre
ramene a un meme theme que kiksu. Kiksu = JmSQS , Brockel-
mann, p. 157, de meme que kaskasu (Meissner, SuppL, p. 48) =
]flOQCDQD, Brockelmann, p. 162 ; kiksu = kaksu = arme ; tf Jgf
ideogramme de kakki/, arme, peut se lire kisku, les valeurs gis,gis, kis,
n'ayant jamais pu etre prouvees comme etant sumenennes. Ors
kisku par une interversion de lettres des plus naturelles n'est autre
que kiksu ; J^ a certainement le valeur su, nous sommes en droit
de le supposer et I'etendue de la polyphonic assyrienne nous y
autorise. Nous avons ainsi :
^]m = ^m
kis-ku = kak-su
II se peut fort bien que le vrai mot d'arme en assyrien ait ete
a I'origine kaksu et soit devenu dans la suite kakku. J'irai meme
plus loin et dirai que J^ representait anciennement un phoneme ks^
dont la tendance a s'adoucir s'est portee tantot vers k tantot vers s ;
si on examine la liste des valeurs syllabiques que donne Briinnow,
p. 426, Ton verra que le son s, s, a plus de representants que le
son k. Je vois dans les Lectures on the Comparative Gra?ninar of the
Semitic Languages, de Wright, p. 41, que Lagarde et d'autres ont
constate ce phenom^ne dans les autres langues semitiques. niksu =
" Abschlagung," " Abhauung," Del., If. IV., p. 463, sens que j'attribue
sans hesiter a ni'ric que je rapproche de neru, Del., If. IV., p. 439 ;
kiskuttu =^ "coup violent, tranchant, aneantissement."
§4. Dans le vocabulaire de Berlin public par Reisner, Z.A.^
1894, p. 161, nous avons plusieurs verbcs ayant une signification
commune, cellc de voir.
L. 19. id-is = a-kis =pa-gu-u ^=- pa-qu-u.
id a la valeur parfaitement semitique de a {cf. Winckler, Textes,
K. 4463, bit idkiti = bit akiti) is = kis ce qui nous donne un mot
akisu. Del., H. IV., p. 58, nous apprend que (^■>- = ekesu d'ou il
ressort qu'il y a un akasu = voir en assyrien ; si ekesu est un sub-
stantif, il se rapporte a I'ceil ou a la vue. Faqii = voir, d'oii piqa^
109
Mar. 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.^LOLOGY. [1900.
piqama, (cf. § 2 de ces Notes) = " ersichtlich ;" pagat, piqat, de paqH ;
ra'u — Xy^'y , " voir " ; exemples sufifisants pour montrer que Ton peut
sans I'aide du sumerisme enrichir le dictionnaire assyrien. Tout n'est
pas clair sans doute, c'est ainsi que dans la colonne gauche nous avons
seulement degage le premier element aki's que nous avons ramene au
theme akasu ; quant au second aka il a son importance, mais je ne
saurais encore en etablir la fonction. Faut-il lire akisaka = akisakku
(Del., Gravwiat., § 65, No. 39), doue de la vue ; je prefere
m'abstenir de toute explication.
§ 5- "^HT iCCl ~ sa-dan = pluriel en on * d'un mot sadu = les
seins, la poitrine = arameen VIPt = hebreu D'^'ltlJ = ",jj • La
valeur dan du signe ^^ est demontree par V. R., 21, I, obverse,
1. 5 et 6, ou nous avons sa . dan = rapadu ; sa . ad . dan =^si-da-mi,
noms de maladies ainsi que 1. 3 samatm, 1. 4 sakbanu, 1. 7 sassatu,
1. 8 inaskadu, 1. g su'ti ; sidanu n'a rien a voir avec le mot sidanu^^^ox ;
ici il s'agit bien d'une maladie peut-etre celle du sadan = poitrine,
seins ; nous voyons ainsi que la colonne de gauche se passe fort bien
d'expressions sumeriennes. II R 21, 19 c.d. nous apprend que
J:;^»-< -^yyy J^J^ correspond a irrum sahiruti, qui n'est autre que
la transcription de I'ideogramme par voie d'analyse, -^^ = ir =
irru = girbu. Je crois que le sens precis de sadan-=irrum sahiruti,
est '■'■poufiion" " les poiimons," et parfois dans un sens plus general
'''■ poitrine^ Briinnow, No. 3077, est a lire sadnu ou sadnu. On
sait que ^fyf et ^^ n'ont ete peut-etre \ I'origine qu'un seul signe,
comme I'indique leur syllabe commune sa ou sa. Ces petites
constatations ne sont point favorables a la theorie sumerienne.
■^TIT I^d ^'^^ ^^^ P^"^^ frequents dans les presages et trouvera sa
place dans le glossaire que je prepare. Nous connaissions deja un
nom de pierre sadanu, Del., H. IV., p. 644 = " hematite ; " Tiglat-
Pileser en fit venir beaucoup du Nairi. Voir Payne Smith, p. 4069.
§6. Un des critiques de VO.L.Z. (15 Avril, 1899, p. 114), a
parle de mon m^moire sur les tablettes de Boghaz-keui avec une
franchise qui I'honore ; je Ten remercie. Je sacrifie sans arriere
pensee I'introduction que j'ai ecrite sans conviction, peu apr^s mon
retour d'Asie-Mineure. La publication de ces textes a subi des
* Je crois en realite que c'est un duel, a moins qu'il faille admettre qu'il y ait
en Assyrien un mot sadami (substantif singulier) — poitrine, les seins, explication
moins hasardce que celle que j'ai proposee. Bans une lettre de Beyrout el
Amarna, L. No. 26 se trouve ce m.eme mot tadti.
no
1
Mar. 13] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
retards de deux ou trois ans ; si j'avais su que mon memoire ne
devait paraitre que dans un avenir, qui reculait indefiniment je
I'aurais refait et peut-etre me serais-je abstenu de faire une intro-
duction. Celle que j'ai eu le malheur d'ecrire, renferme de
graves erreurs au point de vue chronologique ; mais puisque M.
Messerschmidt ne nous apprend rien touchant la date des
tablettes de Boghaz-keui, avouons tout simplement que nous n'en
savons rien, Je maintiens tout ce que j'ai dit de I'ecriture, du
style de ces documents, et je crois que la etait le point interessant et
vraiment nouveau ; car jamais jusqu'alors on n'avait decouvert dans
cette partie de I'Asie-Mineure des tablettes du genre de celles
d'el Amarna ; il y a quelques annees me trouvant dans le cabinet de
travail de feu M. Menant, il me montra quelques-uns de ces
documents que M. Chantre avait rapportes de son premier voyage ;
mon etonnement fut grand lorsque je vis qu'ils etaient rediges dans les
memes caracteres que ceux qui avaient ete' mis au jour en Egypte, et
ma curiosite fut encore augmentee en apprenant qu'ils avaient ete
ramasses par hasard sur la haute citadelle de Boghaz-keui. Je
n'hesitais pas a me joindre a la seconde mission Chantre et c'est ainsi
que s'explique ma collaboration aux travaux de I'expedition. Pour
ce qui concerne I'arrangement des planches dans le volume * public
sous la direction de M. Chantre, je regrette qu'il presente des
lacunes ; je n'en suis pas responsable ; dans la planche IV le No. i
est place a I'envers, c'est un petit malheur. J'ai mal lu le signe
£is + ui, je me suis trompe peut-etre en lisant sarru -\- du =■ sarru
kenu au lieu de sarrti -f us, mais j'ai ete induit en erreur par le texte
autographic, p. 55, No. 9, ou le signe die se trouve en effet et est
bien rendu par kenu. J'appelle de tons mes voeux une collation
nouvelle, je souhaite que celui qui nous en fera cadeau, reconnaisse
d'une maniere courtoise, que la tablette des villes n'est point aisee a
dechiffrer et, si c'etait M. Messerschmidt je lui reitererai mes
remerciements. M. Sayce a decouvert des analogies entre la
tablette d'Arsapi et celles de Boghaz-keui. Je lui rappellerai que
dans un petit memoire lu le 23 Aout, 1895, a I'Academie des in-
scriptions par M. Menant, je disais, p. 358: " Quelques-unes (de
ces tablettes) . . . sont ecrites dans une langue etrangere, peut-etre
celle d'Arsapi?" . . M. Sayce et M. Messerschmidt n'ont pas eu
connaissance de ce premier travail, paru il y a cinq ans, rempli
* Mission en Cappadoce par Ernest Chantre, Paris, Leroux, 1S98.
Ill
Mar. 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1900.
de fautes d'impression, dont je n'ai pas nioi-meme pu corriger les
epreuves ; je ne leur en fais aucun reproche.
A cette epoque j'avais bien lu le signe gis-\-ut, comme le prouve la
\ecinx& A-li-is-tu, Comptes-Rendiis deT Academic, 1895, p. 350, 1. 17. II
me reste enfin a exprimer le regret que plusieurs tablettes fausses aient
et^reproduites dans les memoires de la Mission Chantre, je n'y suis pour
rien. Ce sonttous les Nos. de la PI. XXI, a I'exception du No. 2, et
PL XXII, les Nos. 3^, 3/^, \a, 4l>, 5. Les Nos. 4a et 4/; ont
quelques signes qui ressemblent vaguement au hittite ou au
chypriote. Le No. 5 porte une empreinte de cachet authentique
autant qu'il m'en souvient, mais les caracteres bizarre.s sont I'oeuvre
d un faussaire, qui inonde Cesaree de Cappadoce de ses produits.
J'ai tenu a faire une enquete personnelle sur ces tablettes fausses, j'en
possede une collection qui a ete achetee a Cesaree de Cappadoce et
je mets en garde les voyageurs inexperimentes contre les fabricants de
ces objets. Les tablettes cuneiformes qu'on trouve en Asie-Mineure
peuvent se diviser en deux groupes :
(a) Le groupe Pterien, qui comprend celles de Boghaz-keui
(caracteres d'El Amarna).
{l>) Le groupe Cappadocien, qui renferme celles de Golenischeff
et celles publiees par Scheil dans la Mission Chantre, p. 93, 94, 95,
96, etc. ; deux ont ete publiees par moi dans les Coinptes Rendits de
I Academic^ 1895, pp. 359 et 360.
Tablette des Villes.
Traduction et Tnuiscription.
i.[Villede] ?*-ia il
2. [Ville de] .... ?-li-ia il ville de
3. [Ville de] .... ?-as-pu-na-a il ville de
4. [Ville de] ?-sib-ba-ri-ia il ville de Zi-iz
5. Ville de Ib-bu-ri-ia il ville de Bur-ga-bu
6. Ville de Ki-is-mi-it-ta il ville de Ha-az-zu-mi ....
7. Ville de Ba-ru-us-ta-na-a il ville de Su-rum-ta-a il
8. Ville de Hu-?-at-ra il ville de Ba-ti-il-at-[ra ?]
9. Ville de Ba-ti-iq(gal)-is-tu il ville de Hal-at-bi-ia il
10. Ville de Ti-in-tu-u-ni-ia il ville de Za-ra-rum(as)-is-tu-ni-ia
* ki?
112
Mar. 13] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
11. Ville de Za-ar-kab-la-na :l ville de Ha-am-mu-hi-ia il
12. Ville de Zi-ta-ak-bi-is-si-ia il ville de Ta-al-ga-mu-du *
13. Ville de Ga-id-su-sa-i il qa-ti
14. kit ? an sarru us ville de A-ri-in-na-as ville de Ha-at-tu-si-pa iz-zi
15. kur amelu is hat la? li sir-ri ki-is is-tu an ? a-i
16. Ville de Ta-kit(lil)-as-ia il ville de Tu-u-hu-ub-bi-ia il
17. Ville de A-li-istu il ville de Zi-bi-is-hu-na il
19. Ville de Ha-am-mu-na-a il ville de Ha-la-la-na-a il
Verso.
Je n'en ai point fait de copie, que je puisse donner comma
de'finitive, neanmoins j'ai pu lire ce qui suit :
I ka-la
2. Ville de il iz-zi kur amelu is hat sarru us
3 at ... a-an-bi matu E-iz-zi ....
4. Ville de [ville dej Tu-u-hu-ub-bi-ia il
5. Ville de Zi-is . . . na-tab-ra ville de . . . is-tu-mu il
6. Ville de A-li
7. Ville de A-ak-bi-mi-is-si-ia il
8. Ville de Is-ta-ha-ra-al iz-zi-ia il
9. Ville de it-ti-ia il
10 hi-a pu-du(us?) qa-ti
Tels sont les mots que j'ai dechiffres sur le verso. L. 6. II serait
tentant de lire A-li-is-tu, comme a la 1. 17 du recto. Si j'ai dans mon
second memoire fait une transcription qui differe en quelques
endroits du texte, la raison en est, que ma copie ayant ete reproduite
tres vite, apres mon retour de voyage, mes lectures me paraissaient
devoir etre quelque peu modifiees dans la suite. Je ne desespere
pas de pouvoir collationner un jour ces textes, mais il m'a paru utile
cependant de presenter actuellement ces retouches motivees par la
critique de Messerschmidt. La ville de A-ri-in-na-as a ete identifiee
par Sayce avec la ville de Arenena (Max Mliller, Asie?i u?id Europa^
P" 335) i voir O.L.Z., 1899, p. 382, et Revue Shnitiqne, 1899, p.
132. La ville de Alistu, 1. 17, me parait pouvoir etre rapprochee de
Alastos, ville de Phrygie, voir Pvamsay, The Cities and Bishoprics of
Phrygia, Vol. I, p. 321 ; d'apres Ramsay cette ville serait fort
"3
Mar. 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1900.
ancienne. Je m'abstiens d'autres rapprochements, mais je constate
que plusieurs de ces villes doivent etre cherch^es en Asie-
Mineure ou du cote de I'Armdnie. M. Sayce regarde cette tablette
comme renfermant la liste de plusieurs villes devant fournir du ble
a un prince quelconque. Cette conjecture est fort ingenieuse mais
comme nous ignorons la langue que recelent ces briques, et que
I'Arzavien ne nOus est guere plus familier, nous attendons des preuves
plus solides. Le texte No. 2 devra etre collationne minutieusement
comme ceux qui suivent; la transcription est purement provisoire ;
il n'en pent etre autrement, ces documents etant ecrits dans un
idiome inconnu, auquel je n'ai pas le courage de donner un nom dans
mon ignorance de I'hittite, arzavien, etc. Par ci par la quelques
termes assyriens apparaissent, mais combien y-en-a-t-il ? Quant au
contenu je juge inutile de repeter ce que j'ai deja dit ailleurs. Faut
il lire p. 49, col. b, 1. 2, hu 11a is, et I. 4, ik ba kak sa ni nal Page
50, col. A, 1. 4, // // is ou se-e-li-is ? 'L. '], ^us ti is et non du ti is ;
1. 10, ta at ti is tu et non ia at ti ta. No. 3, p. 51, lire 1. 11, e is tu
bie i. No. 5. p. 53, titre mal place, doit se trouver en tete du texte
cun^iforme ; 1. 5, lisez at a rum (as) is tu sa ? //, etc., etc. No. 6,
1. 9, Jm 21 pi rum (as) is tu na. No. 7, 1. 10 et 12, biran, les visions,
est conjectural, puisque nous avons affaire a une langue indeterminee.
No. 8, 1. 2, es is tu na. No. 10, 1. 6, ta 3 bar. No. 1 1, 1. 2, // it^ tu
ni, \. 12, ta a al?
PHCENICIAN INSCRIPTION AT GREENOCK.
Joseph Offord.
This well preserved Phoenician inscription, which is in the
Greenock Antiquarian Museum, contains a text almost identical
with many similar ex votos, and is a close counterpart of No. 56 of
the series of Carthaginian inscriptions in the Davis collection
published by the British Museum.
The following translation is based upon that of Mr. George
Greenlees of Glasgow.
" To the lady (to) Tanith, the Face of Baal, and to the Lord to
Baal-Hamman that which is vowed (is by) Matanbaal, daughter of
Ebed-Melkarth, son of Gad-Ashtoreth."
Perhaps the most interesting item of the text to our Society is
114
1
Proc. Soc. Bib!. Aich., March, 1900.
rHENICIAN INSCRirnON IN THE ANTIi)tIARIAN MUSELW, GREENOCK.
1
Mar. 13] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
the title Pen Baal, because of its connection with the Biblical
Peniel. The Punic Aoa SO has two or three variants as specially
illustrated by M. P. Berger,* who gives ^^3 Vti, h^'2 X^B, and
hyi. i^Ji^Q ; passing from Pen, or Pene, to Phanou-Baal, thus
parallel to the Biblical Peniel, Penuel, and Phanuel {(PauovyK of
Luke ii, 36), The Rev. C. J. Ball has remarked that in some
Punic texts the initial letter is ^ B, reminding us of the Babylonian
form Bunu for Punu, face.
In M, Berger's Co7isfantine Stele, No. 18, we have again the
name "J^l^riD, Matan-baal, of the Greenock text; compare Mat-
taniah, 2 Kings xxiv, 17 ; and in the No. 56 Davis Stele we have Gad
Saken, or Garsoken, a similar combination to the Gad-Ashtoreth of
our text.
The name Ebed-Melkarth (compare Tel Amarna, Abdi Milki,
and Ebed-Melech, Jeremiah xxxviii, 7, 8) is also in Gesenius'
Linguceque Phcejiicice Monu7nenta, No. 177. Any onomasticon of
Phoenician texts will give other analogies.!
As to Tanith, sometimes ili'Tlj Tainit, and Greek TAINTIAA,
our Tanith Pen Baal, Mr. Greenlees suggests may not Tanith come
from the feminine Anu, which would be An-t. I believe there are
Hebrew analogies for a later interpolation of a preliminary letter T
to such a word sound. We find the Canaanite city Beth-Anath,
town of Anath worship (like Beth Chemosh or Beth Shemesh). In
Jeremiah xi, 21, we have "image of Anath." Spiegelberg in the
Recueil, XVI, 64, finds upon an Egyptian ostracon B',n-'nti', " son of
the goddess Anat," that is the Semitic Hii^'p ; and the feminine
form as name of a daughter of Ramses II is in a Turin papyrus.
The Persian Anahid, or Anaitis, appears connected with Tanith,
but her worship as Tanith seems to have been introduced from the
west, because Clement of Alexandria tells us "Artaxerxes, son of
Darius Ochus, first appointed the worship of the Tanaic Aphrodite
in Babylon, Susa, Ecbatana, and Sardis."
* Les Inscriptions de " Constantine au Musee du Louvre," in Aciesdn Onzieme
Centres des Orientalists,^^ 4th Section, p. 273.
+ Ebed-Melkarth occurs in No. 5 of the " Seven Punic Inscriptions " pub-
lished by Prof. Wright in Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., 1886, p. 212 ; and also in " Two
Phoenician Inscriptions from Cyprus" in the Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., 1881, pp.
50 and 102. Schrceder, in his " Selection of Phcenician Inscriptions," PI. XV,
gives a text naming " Ebed-melek."
115
Mar. 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1900.
EGYPTIAN MODELS OF FISH; EGYPTIAN CAMP
STOOL.
31, Lansdowne Road, S.W.,
Feb. 24///, 1900.
Dear Mr. Rylands,
In reply to Mr. Nash's question in the December number of
the Proceedings, as to the size of the opening at the base of my fish
mummy-case, it is i| inch long by | inch wide, as near as I can
measure it. The fish that was inside was very small, not more
than 3 inches long, I think, and without doubt was placed inside
through this opening, after being wrapped in mummy cloth. The
case itself is a casting.
As I am writing, I would like to draw attention to two of the
fish illustrated by Mr. Nash in his beautiful photographs of
" Egyptian Models of Fish," as I think they can hardly be con-
sidered Egyptian models, they are more likely Roman or perhaps
Romano-Greek. One, No. 5, was No. 166 in the Forrnan sale
catalogue; the other, No. 3, was No. 167 in the same catalogue, if
I am not greatly mistaken. Unfortunately in neither case was there
any indication of where they came from, nor does the Forman
catalogue that was printed when the collection was at Callaly
Castle, throw any light on the question. My recollection of
them is that they were Roman. I see Mr. Boulenger is
doubtful as to what fish is meant by No. 5, and I would suggest
that both No. 4 and No. 5 cannot be intended for the same sort of
fish, there is a marked difference in the form of the head and more
especially of the mouth ; and in the case of No. 3 there is much
greater refinement in the modelling than is found, as far as I know,
in Egyptian specimens, also Prof. Sayce says that he believes all the
solid bronze fish models were found together in a stone coffer. I
use the term " solid " in contradistinction to a mummy-case. No. 6
and No. 7 are typical specimens of that find ; by referring to them
you will see what a great difference in style and workmanship there
is. I enclose a drawing of a wooden spoon or toilet tray in the
form of a fish, in case you think it sufficiently interesting to add to
116
Proc. Soc. Bibl. A?ch., iMardt, 1903.
tJ
J
2 X
h P
A
I
Mar. 13] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
the collection, it is made of acacia (?) wood. The inside of the
bowl is stained with the ungent or dye that was put into it.
I have little to say about the drawing of the camp stool which
you asked me for. It is made to fold up, the seat, now wanting,
has been apparently sewn on and was probably canvas, the sides of
which have been stout flat strips lapped round the top cross pieces,
for which a groove in the wood has been cut, so as to prevent them
projecting above the rest of the seat; these flat strips have also been
sewn on, as there is no trace of peg holes by which it could have
been fastened. As regards the construction of the stool, it is good,
as extra strength has been given to the points where the greatest
strain would naturally come, yet in such a way as not to add much
weight to the frame. When folded up the height is i foot 5^ inches,
and when open to sit upon was about i foot 2 inches, the material
is acacia wood, and it came from Sakarah. I also add the foot of
another stool in the form of a duck's head, it has been inlaid
with ivory and ebony, some of the inlay still remains. It is well
carved in very hard wood, one side of which is yellow, the other
nearly black, probably an ebony, it is 5 inches long. By its side I
have put a tracing, from Sir G. Wilkinson's " History of Egypt," of
a stool in the British Museum which illustrates what part of the
stool the duck's head came from, for convenience I have reversed
this drawing.
I am, yours very truly,
E. TOWRY WHYTE.
A WOODEN HANDLE FOR SMALL CYMBALS, FROM
EGYPT.
By W. L. Nash.
In the " Egyptian Musical Instrument," described by Mr. Whyte
in the Froceedings of March, 1899, the elasticity of the metal
provided sufficient "spring" to give a "to and fro" movement of
the bronze straps, when the instrument was shaken. I send a
photograph of a similar instrument very roughly made of a hard
reddish-brown wood, found at Medinet Abou, or rather I should say,
the halves of two such instruments, the two sticks not being of quite
117
Mar. 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHi^OLOGY. [1900.
the same length, one measuring 14^ in. and the other 14^ in. The
material not being flexible, it was necessary to provide a spring, and
this has been done by cutting a deep longitudinal notch on the
inner side of each stick, thus leaving a thin tongue of wood
projecting. No doubt the lower ends of the two sticks were loosely
bound together. The cymbals are attached to the sticks by bronze
loops.
These handles for cymbals are, I think, probably Coptic, and the
remains of Coptic buildings at Medinet Abou, are a likely place in
which to find them.
DRAWINGS BY SIR GARDNER WILKINSON.
The Vaughan Library, Harrow,
Feb. i^fh, 1900.
Dear Mr. Rylands,
It has been suggested to me that archaeologists might be
interested to know the existence in Harrow School Library of a
collection of sketches by the late Sir Gardner Wilkinson. I beg
therefore to enclose an account of the collection on the chance that
you may consider it worth publishing in the Proceedings of the
Society of Biblical Archeology.
I remain, yours truly,
B. P. LASCELLES,
Librarian, Harroiv School.
P.S. — The Arabic names are given as spelt by the artist.
Contents of Scrap-book containing Sketches by
Sir Gardner Wilkinson.
The volume measures 21 inches by 16 inches, is lettered on the
back " Saracenic Architecture."
Library press-mark, 11 — A.
Contains copies of miscellaneous printed contributions of Sir
G. Wilkinson to various archaeological publications, annotated in
his own hand.
Two of these papers are accompanied by illustrative drawings
and plans, probably made for exhibition when the papers were read,
118
Proc. Soc. Bihl. Arch., March, 1900.
A WOODEN HANDLE FOR SMALL CYMBALS,
FROM EGYPT, IN THE POSSESSION OF
WALTER L. NASH, ESQ., F.S.A.
Mar. 13] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
but which, as far as I know, have not yet been published. These
illustrated papers are : —
I. On Saracenic Architecture. Read at the Royal Institute
of British Architects, March i8th, 1861, The accompanying
illustrations (mostly large sheets) consist of : —
1. Unfinished plan of Cairo, 1832.
2. Survey of Gebel Birket.
3. Sheet of sketches comprising a view of Cairo from the roof
of the British Consulate ; plan, elevation, and general
sketch of pyramids at Gebel Birket ; sketch of round arch
before one of the pyramids of Gebel Birket ; and several
small sketches of arches.
4. Interior of Santa Sophia, Constantinople (enlarged from
Fergusson). Interior of S. Vitali, Ravenna (wash drawing).
5. Interior of St. Mark's, Venice (after Borghesi, a wash
drawing). Church of the Crusaders at Beyrut (coloured
sketch).
6. Ground-plan, section, and sketch of Mosque of Amr;
ground-plan of Mosque of Ahmed Ebn Tooloon (both
from Coste) ; ground-plan of Mosque of El Hakim, Cairo ;
two ground-plans of Egyptian temples.
7. Brick arching in the Theatre of Taormina ; sketch in
Constantinople showing round and pent-roof arches.
8. Sketches of arches in the wall of the Mosque of Amr, and
of the Red Convent.
9. Architectural elevation of the Nilometer, Isle of Roda,
north side,
10. The same, south side.
11. The same, east side, "corrected from Kekekyan Bey's last
measurements of 1862."
12. Cufic inscriptions, with Arabic transliteration and English
translation, from the Nilometer of Roda ; sketch and MS.
account of the minaret of the Mosque of Ahmed Ebn
Tayloon, with copies of Cufic inscriptions.
13. Plan of the Nilometer.
14. Sketches of arches from the following places : Udine, near
Tunis, the Palace of Saladin at Cairo, a water-wheel house
in Kairawan.
15. Sketches of the Mosques of El Kaitbey and E'Sultan
Berkook, Cairo.
119 L
Mar. 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1900.
16. Sketches of minarets of Giama-t-Emeer Kebeer and Giama-
t-Eenal, and of the Ghiralda, Seville (careful detail).
17. Sketch of Mosque of Naser Mohammed, Cairo.
18. Mosque of Soltan Hassan, Cairo, sketch and ground-plan.
19 and 20. Archways and details in the Great Mosque,
Kairawan.
II. On Heads placed over Arches. Royal Institute of British
Architects, May i8th, 1863.
Sketches illustrative of the paper : —
Archways at Peranzabuloe, Cornwall ; Tidmarsh, Berks ; Sta.
Maria dei Faleri ; Porto al' Arco, Volterra ; On an Ash-
chest, Volterra ; Tunis ; Rimmini ; Earl's Barton ; Arab
Arch ; Church tower, Rome ; Perugia (two) ; Nismes.
NOTE ON THE GEOGRAPHY OF PHCENICIAN
INSCRIPTIONS.
By Joseph Offord.
A few years ago a Phoenician inscription found at Narnaka, in
Cyprus, showed that the Phoenicians transferred the names of places
on their Syrian shore to other lands. It speaks of a Cypriote as
" Lord of Carmel," evidently referring to a mountaineer chief as lord
of an eminence bearing the same title as the well known Carmel of
Northern Palestine.
This duplification by Phoenician colonists of their local home ^
names, becomes more interesting now, because in the long Cartha- ■
ginian inscription containing the dedication of the temple of Astarte-
Tanit, discovered in 1897, we find that the Carthaginians had an
African Lebanon, counterpart of their Syrian one. S
It is moreover possible they also had a Cypriote locality called
Lebanon, for in the text upon the fragments of a bronze metal cup
found in Cyprus, the text says that " it belonged to a Carthaginian
citizen, servant of Hiram king of the Sidonians," and it mentions a
" Baal Lebanon."
Mar. 13] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
For this reason the cup was thought to have been an importation
into Cyprus from Syria, but with our fresh evidence it is as reason-
able to think the cup was of Carthaginian craftsmanship, brought to
Cyprus from Africa by its owner ; and its Baal-Lebanon site would
then be a counterpart near Carthage of the " Tanit of Lebanon "
in the new Astarte-Tanit temple text.
" Tanit-pen-Baal " has generally been considered as the Phoeni-
cians' African duplicate of the deity of Baal-Hamman, so "Tanit of the
(African) Lebanon " may be the counterpart of the (African) " Baal-
Lebanon;" Lebanon, however, meaning "white mountain," the
Cypriote cup may have been dedicated by its Carthaginian
immigrant owner in Cyprus to a local Baal-Lebanon in the island,
as it would be a suitable title for any snow covered summit, or
mountain of white rock, in any Phoenician colony. Compare
remarks of M. PhiUppe Berger, Revue d'Assyriologie, Vol. V, page 15.
For the metal cup text see C. J. Ball, Light from the East, p. 238.
THE WORD ARMAGEDDON.
Gray's Inn,
19/// May, 1900.
Dear Mr. Rylands,
I see that in the April number of the Orienialische Litteratiir-
Zeitiing, Canon Cheyne again returns to this word, which he has
already suggested in the Encyclopcedia Biblica (s.h.v.) is connected
with the word 'Yeae/iKyacwv, sometimes met with in magic spells of
the early Christian centuries. Will you allow me to say that, so far
as I know, the latter word always occurs in connection with epithets
of Persephone, among which is Eris-ki-gal (in Sumerian, " mistress
of the lower world "), and that the context shows it is an epithet of
Hades or Pluto? Thus, in the great Magic Papyrus of Paris we
read (11. 335-337 of Wessely), irapaKmaTiOepLai vjiiii' Tovrou tov kuju-
dieajjLov Oeoii ■^Oovioi^ veae^i-^acwv Kai Kovprj 7repae(poi>)] epea-)^i'-ja\,
in the B.M. Papyrus XLVI (11. 424-426 of Kenyon) veaewi^acwv
[an evident corruption] opOw ^av/3w [a common variant of Perse-
phone in these documents] vorj o^rjpe aotpe aotpe aavKOvOapa epca-
Xn"-K and in the B.M. Papyrus CXXI (1. 681 of Kenyon), eufii^acwv
opOw fiavfiw. K.T.X. The lead tablet from Alexandria published by
Mar. 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1900.
Fr. Lenormant in his De TahuUs Devotionis Plumbeis Akxandrinis
(Paris, 1S53), which is, I think, the one quoted by Kuhnert in the
Rheinisches Museum and referred to by Canon Cheyne, practically
settles the matter by its reiterated invocation of UXoItwv 'Yeae^f^a-
hwv fiaapxa^a Kat Kop>j 'EpeaxH^^ Zaftapfia0oi<x ^al ^cpae^iouij
ZavSaxOov^iup, along with other Chthonian gods and caifiovei. I do
not know whether the first syllable of the name (which seems from
the last example given above to be detachable) can be connected
with the cry of "Ye Kve, said by writers like Hippolytus and Proclus
to be used in the Eleusinia; but that these last were instituted
for the worship of the Chthonian or infernal gods, is now, of
course, generally accepted. M. Halevy, in a communication lately
made to the Acadhnie des Inscriptions, said that he had discovered
the original legend of the Rape of Persephone on a cuneiform
tablet, and although I have seen no more of his discovery than a
brief notice in the Compte-Reiidu, it seems probable that when the
word 'Yeae^L-/acwi> comes to be explained, it will be found to have
a Sumerian rather than a Semitic origin.
Very faithfully yours,
F. LEGGE.
P.S. — I should like to draw your attention to the likeness
between Za/3ap(3aeovx, the epithet of Kore given above, and the
" god Sabarbathiot " of the Coptic Spell in F.S.B.A., XIX, p. 185.
The next Meeting of the Society will be held at "^,7,
Great Russell Street, Bloomsbury, W.C, on Tuesday, 8th
May, 1900, at 4.30 p.m., when the following Papers will be
read : —
F. Legge : " The Slate Palettes from Hieraconpolis and else-
where."
Prof, Petrie : Remarks.
122
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY PUBLICATIONS,
In 8 Parts. Price Ss. each. The Fourth Part having been issued, the Price is
now Raised to £5 for the 8 Parts. Parts cannot be sold separately.
The Egyptian Book of the Dead.
Complete Translation^ Coinmentary^ and Notes.
By the late SIR P. LE PAGE RENOUF, Knt. {President);
CONTAINING ALSO
^ ^trics of ^9lates of ti)e Uipcttcs of ti)£ tiiffErmt ODtapters.
The Bronze Ornaments of the Palace Gates from
Balawat.
[Shalmaneser II, B.C. 859-825.]
To be completed in Five Parts.
Parts 1, II, III, and IV have now been issued to Subscribers.
In accordance with the terms of the original prospectus the price f|)r
iach part is now raised to £^\ \os. ; to Members of the Society (the origin
jrice) jQ\ \s.
Price 7s. 6d. Only a Limited Number of Copies have been Printed.
THE PALESTINIAN SYRIAC VERSION OF THE HOlY
SCRIPTURES.
Four Recently Discovered Portions (together with verses from the
Psalms and the Gospel of St. Luke). Edited, in Photographic Facsimile,
from a Unique MS. in the British Museum, with a Transcription, Transli^
tion, Introduction, Vocabulary, and Notes, by
REV. G. MARGOLIOUTH, M.A.,
AssUtant in the Department of Oriental Printed Books and MSS. in the British
Mtiseum ; formerly Ty7~vhitt Hebrew Scholar.
Subscribers' names to l)e Addressed to the Secretary.
Society of Biblical Archeology.
COUNCIL, 1900.
President.
Prof. A. H, Sayce, LL.D., &c., &c.
Vice-Presidents.
The Most Rev. His Grace The Lord Archbishop of York.
The Most Hon. the Marquess of Bute, K.T., &c., &c.
The Right Hon. the Earl of Halskury.
The Right Hon. Lord Amherst of Hackney.
Arthur Gates.
F. D. MocATTA, F.S.A., &c.
Walter Morrison, M.P.
Sir Gharles Nicholson, Bart., D.G.L., M.D., &c.
Alexander Peckover, LL.D., F.S.A.
Rev. George Rawlinson, D.D. (Canon of Ganterbury).
The Right Rev. S. W. Allen, D.D. (R.G. Bishop of Shrewsbury).
General Sir Charles Warren, G.G.M.G., &c. , &c.
Rev. Charles James Ball, M.A.
Rev. Prof. T. K. Cheyne, D.D,
Thomas Christy, F.L.S.
Dr. J. Hall Gladstone, F.R.S
F. Ll. Griffith, F.S.a.
Gray Hill.
F. Legge.
Rev. Albert Lovvy, LL.D., &c.
Council.
Rev. James Marshall, M.A.
Prof. G. Maspero.
Claude G. Montefiore.
Prof. E. Naville.
J. Pollard.
EdwardB. Tylor, LL.D,,F.R.S.,
&c.
Honorary Treasurer — Bernard T. Bosanquet.
Secretary — W. Harry Rylands, F.S.A.
Honorary Secretary for Foreign Correspondence —
Honorary Libra?-ian — W. Harry Rylands {p>-o tern.).
HARKISON AND SONS, PKINTEKS IN ORDINARY TO HER MAJESTY, ST. MARJ"IN S LANK.
VOL. XXII. DOUBLE NUMBER. Parts 4 & 5.
PROCEEDINGS
OF
THE SOCIETY
OF
BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
VOL. XXII. THIRTIETH SESSION.
APRIL. NO MEETING.
FoiirtJi Meeting, May Sth, 1900.
^A-
CONTENTS.
PAGE
F. Legge. — The Carved Slates from Hieraconpolls and elsewhere
(9 plates) 125-139
Prof. Wm. Flinders Petrie, D.C.L., LL.D. — Note on a
Carved Slate 140, 141
Percy E. Newberry. — Extracts from my Noteliooks, 111(2 plates): —
14. The Cornflower in Egyptian Art 142
15. The Poppy in Egyptian Art 144
16. 11\\& Nefii, "root of the Cyperus esculentus, L."' 146
17. The String of Dried Figs 148
18. A Statue of Hapu, father of Thothmes Ilnd's Vezir,
Hapu-senb 148
19. A Statuette of Min-nekht, Superintendent of the Granaries
under Thothmes III 151
20. Notes on some Hieroglyphic Signs 152
Prof. Dr. Wiedemann. — A Mythological-Geographical Text 155-1C0
F. G. Hilton Price, Dir.S.A. — Some Ivories from Abydos [zplates) 160
A. H. Sayce.— Notes 161
F. Ll. Griffith. — Nfjuftrte 162
Walter L. Nash, F.S. A.— Ancient Egyptian Models of Fish
{t, plates) 163
Prof. T. K. Cheyne. — The word Armageddon. On an Assyrian
Loan-word in Hebrew, and on 1.Tp?p 165
Percy E. Newberry.— Note. The aaf " flies " 166
Fr. W. v. Bissing.— Notes 167
s^>^
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PROCEEDINGS
OF
THE SOCIETY
OF
BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY
THIRTIETH SESSION, 1900.
Fourth Meeting, Wi May, 1900.
JOSEPH POLLARD, Esq. {Member of Council),
IN THE CHAIR.
The Chairman referred to the loss the Society had
suffered by the death of Lieut.-General PiTT-RlVERS,
D.C.L., F.R.S., F.S.A., &c., one of the early Members of
the Society. Born 1820, died 4th May, 1900.
The following Presents were announced, and thanks
ordered to be returned to the Donors : —
From the Trustees of the British Museum : — The Book of the
Dead ; facsimiles of the Papyri of Hunefer, Anhai, Kerasher,
and Netchemet, with supplementary text from the Papyrus of
Nu. With transcripts, translations, etc. By E. A. Wallis
Budge, Litt.D. Folio. London.
[No. CLXviii.] 123 M
May S] society OF BIBLICAL ARCH.^OLOGY. [1900.
From the Author : — Dr. F. H. Weissbach. Zur losung der
Sumerischen Frage. Leipzig. 8vo. 1897.
From the Author : — Dr. F. H. Weissbach, Zur Serie Maklu.
(Beitrage zur Assryr.) Leipzig. Svo. 1900.
Neue beitrage zur Kunde der Susischen Inschriften
(Konigl. Sachsischen Gesellsch. der Wissensch.) Svo. Leipzig.
1894.
Die athiopische iibersetzung des Zacharias. von F. O.
Kramer. Leipzig. Svo. 1898.
From Miss Ingram : — Les plus anciens monuments de la langue
Franc^aise. Par Eduard Koschwitz. Leipzig. Svo. 1897.
From the Author: — The Rev, Cesare A, D. Cara, S.J. Delia
Stela del Foro, e della sua Iscrizione arcaica. (Civilta
Cattolica, Feb., Mar., and April.) 1900. Svo. Rome.
The following Candidate was elected a Member of the
Society, having been nominated in March : —
Rev. A. B. Sayce, Royal Societies Club, St. James's Street.
The following Candidates were nominated for election at
the next Meeting in June : —
Miss Colthurst, 47, Hill Street, Berkeley Square.
James Teakle Dennis, the University Club, Baltimore, U.S.A.
Charles Selkrig Hay (late District Judge, Kandy, Ceylon), Kandy
Lodge, Wellington Road, Bournemouth.
A. Moret, Charge de conferences d'antiquite's Egyptiennes
a I'Ecole des Hautes ifetudes, 114, Avenue de Wagram, Paris.
The following Papers were read : —
F. Legge. The Slate Palettes from Hieraconpolis and elsewhere.
Prof. W. M. Flinders Petrie, D.C.L. Some remarks on
his recent discoveries at Abydos, and Note on a Carved Slate.
Remarks:— Dr. J. Hall Gladstone, F.R.S., Mr. W.
Boscawcn, the Secretary, and the Chairman.
Thanks were voted for these communications.
124
May 8] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
THE CARVED SLATES FROM HIERACONPOLIS
AND ELSEWHERE.
By F. Legge.
The seven sculptured slates here reproduced make up all the
objects of this class of which I have been able to obtain communi-
cation, and which seem to have any evidential value. Besides
these, I only know of the existence of two others. One of them is
a small fragment of slate, on which are carved figures of warriors not
unhke those on Plate H. This was purchased by M. Ary Renan at
Beyrout, and is now, I believe, in the Egyptian Museum of the
Louvre. A sketch of it appears in the Revue Archeologique for
1887,* but there is no evidence directly connecting it with Egypt,
and I have therefore thought it better to omit it. The other is also
but a small fragment, and bears what seems to be a part of a ship
and a bird thought to be an eagle. A woodcut of it is given in
^gyptiaca,\ and is there commented on by Prof. Steindorff, the
original being now in the Gizeh Museum. But the workmanship,
as shown in the cut, is extremely poor, and seems to have no rela-
tion to that of the slates here given. It is also possibly of a much
later period. I have to thank Prof. Flinders Petrie for kindly
furnishing me with authentic photographs of the slates on Plates I
and HI, and Dr. Wallis Budge of the British Museum for allowing
me to reproduce those on Plates H, V, and VI, as well as the
ivories on Plate VIII. The slate shown on Plate II has already
been published by M. Heuzey from a cast, J but the other objects
from the British Museum appear here, I think, for the first time.
• Troisi^me serie, t. IX, p. 37, sqq.
t Eine neue Art dgypiischer Kunsi. Festschrift fiir Georg Ebers, Leipzig,
1897, p. 124.
X Comfte Rendu de rAcadimie des Inscriptions (Jan. -Feb., 1899), Quatri^me
s^rie, t. XXVII, p. 61, sqq.
125 M 2
May 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCIL^OLOGV [1900.
Description of the Slates.
Plate I. Obverse.
This, Avhich in some sort forms the key to the rest, was dis-
covered by Mr. Quibell in 1898 in "the lowest layers below the
temple at Hieraconpolis,"* and is now in the Gizeh Museum. It is
about two feet high, the figures on it appearing in low relief, a
remark which applies to all the slates in this series. At the top are
two heads, apparently of the goddess Hathor,t between them being a
rectangle, containing, above the usual false door (here very slightly
indicated), the two signs of the catfish and chisel, which Prof. Max
Miiller reads Narmer, and Prof. Spiegelberg Nar-menkh. The
scene on the next register has been interpreted by Prof. Naville,J
by comparison with the part of the Palermo Stone which corresponds
to the festivals of the dynasties before Snefru. On the extreme
left or dexter side appears a rectangle, enclosing a sign which
appears to be /\ , § and which he conjectures may be the name
of the temple or hall through which the procession next described
passes. Below this is a personage bearing a pair of sandals
in his left hand, and in his right a libation vase with a spout and
handle. He has short hair covered by a close cap, and wears round
his neck an object like the yoke or collar by which slaves are attached
to the slave-pole. II Round his waist is a cincture with a triangular
apron and flowing pendants like those seen on the Libyans at
* ^.Z , Bd. XXXVI (1898), p. 83.
t There is a slight difierence between the two heads, which do not exactly
resemble each other. On a vase from Cyprus, of which a sketch appears in
Rev. Arch. t. cit., pp. 78-79, palm trees, between which are two
nondescript animals, are shown under a similar pair of heads. It may be
possible that we have here the PovKpama with which the two ends of the ridge-
pole of a house were sometimes ornamented, in which case the heads of the
Plate miglit be intended to convey that the scenes following took place in a
temple of Hathor.
t J\cc. dc Trav., t. XXI {1899), pp. 118, sijij.
§ So Piehl, Sphinx, III, p. 184. Prof. Naville suggests another sign (for
which see Leps. Donkni., II, p. 62), but Prof. Piehl's identification of the teb-l
sign with the box containing the king's kd agrees with the /-(J-rectangle carried
by the corresponding personage in the procession in the liathor-temple at
Denderah (see Marictte, Denderah, I, PI. IX).
II A similar object may be seen round the neck of the Libyan (?) in Rossellini,
Mon. Slorici, PI. LX. It may perhaps be an early form of the Tat or buckle
amulet studied I y Maspcro, Mciit. stir quelquc Papyrus dn Louvre, pp. I sq.
126
May 8] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
Karnak. Above him is his title,* no translation of which has yet
been suggested.! Before him goes the king with short hair and
beard, wearing the red crown of Lower Egypt. He is dressed in a
tunic fastened over the lefc shoulder and leaving the right arm and
side bare. Over this is a kilt without apparent opening, secured
by a belt of some textile fabric, from which hang two pendants of
the same material. From one of these depends an amulet or
jewel made in the shape of a hawk. To the back of the belt is
attached the tail generally found on later Egyptian representations of
kings and gods, which in this instance seems to be a horse-tail set
in some sort of holder or handle. He also wears greaves upon
his legs of metal, or, more probably, of cloth. He bears in
his right hand a scourge, and in his left a mace with apparently a
metal head. Before him appear the cat-fish and chisel signs which
evidently denote his personal name, and below this is a figure which
Prof. Naville conjectures, I think rightly, to be his queen. She has
long curled locks, but is otherwise bareheaded, and is clad in a
woollen garment fitting closely to the figure. A sort of scarf with
flowered ends appears round her neck, and her name is shown above
her in the signs ^^~^, which may read thet. Before her are borne
four standards, on which are the emblems of Horns, of another
hawk-god who may be Set or Thoth,J of Anubis, and of Khonsu.
The bearers of the first three standards are bearded, but he of the
Khonsu standard is beardless, while the Anubis standard-bearer has
a scarf round his neck resembling that of the queen. They all wear
short hair and close caps, while their kilts and greaves are, as well as
can be seen, of the same shape as the king's. Beyond the standards
is a door i "^^ which appears to be the a iir, or " great door " men-
tioned in the early part of the Palermo Stone. By the side of this
door is the bark ;^ R^^ which is the usual determinative for a festival,
surmounted by the -^ which should read Shei Hor ("attendant
\
of Horus? ") Below these are the corpses of ten captives arranged
* Cf. the bow-bearer in Rosellini, op. ciL, PI. LXXXIV, who also carries
a pair of sandals like those on the slate.
t Except by Piehl(/^^/ «/.), who would read it '^ "^ " to unveil the face."
+ So Naville, art. rif. I can see no difference between the two standards,
which may be those of the Nome of the Two Hawks in Upper Egypt.
127
May 8j SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHi^OLOGY. [1900.
in two rows, with their arms bound and their heads cut off and
placed between their feet.* The head of the first of the upper row
(probably their leader or chief) is bare, and his feet are in a
different position to those of the others. All the other corpses wear
caps with a double peak. All are bearded.
In the next register are two composite monsters having the
bodies and heads of lions, t or, as seems to me more likely, of
panthers, but with extremely elongated and intertwined necks
suggestive of the bodies of snakes. | They are secured by cords
round the necks, held in both hands by two attendants with close
cropped hair, with skull-caps of fur or wool, and dressed in a
short loin cloth with a furred purse or bag in front, which Prof.
Naville suggests answers the purpose of the braguette of the Middle
Ages referred to by Rabelais.§
In the lowest register is the king represented as a bull standing
on a plinth, and breaking into a town denoted by the usual crenel-
lated cartouche, containing a sign not yet identified. He is
trampling upon a flying enemy with long hair, and a cast of
features resembling those of the Syrians at Karnak (Prince of
Ganata in Petrie's Photographs, No. 37). || He is naked except for a
sheath like that worn at the present day by the Bantu tribes
(Bechuanas, Kaffirs, &c.).1I
Reverse.
We see here the same Hathor heads with the same >^i-rectangle
between them, the false door being here unmistakably delineated.
* Is this a human sacrifice ? Cf. the oxen bound and decapitated lying at the
king's feet as an offering to Isis in the Temple of Kalabche. (Bouriant, Rec. de
Trav., t. XX, p. 197.)
t So Quibell, art. ci(. The tuft of hair at the end of the lion's tail is absent,
nor does a lion carry his tail curled over his back. The lions' tails are drawn
with perfect correctness in the next slate. Cf. the similar animal on the ivory in
Brit. Mus. (P.S.B.A. (1888), X, p. 570.)
X Pleuzey, art. cic. gives a Babylonian cylinder with similar animals in p lirs,
and with their necks similarly intertwined.
§ Rec. de Trav., t. XXII, p. 68.
II At Deir el-Bahari, the bull trampling on a prostrate human enemy appears
as the regular way of expressing a royal triumph. Cf. Egypt. Exploration Fund.
Arch. Report, pp. i2>()^-l?>()6, frontispitce.
^ Ratzel, Iliitory of Mankind {'Eng. ed.), II, p. 397 ; Holden, Past and Future
of Kaffir Races, p. 231. Not to be confounded with the braguette of Plates I & IV.
It does not require a belt.
128
May 8] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
In the middle register we have the same sHpper-bearer with his title
above him, but this time standing on a plinth. Before him is a king
wearing the white crown of Upper Egypt,* and brandishing in his
right hand the mace, while in his left he grasps by the hair an enemy
kneeling before him in the usual attitude. He is dressed in the
same tunic, kilt, horse-tail, and greaves as the king on the obverse,
with whom he may be identical, though the features are not the
same. He wears a somewhat more elaborate belt than the last-named,
from which depend four broad pendants secured to the belt by Hathor
heads like those on the lop of the palette, and presumably of metal
or ivory. Above the enemy is a composite sign or ideogram which
Profs. Eiman, Max Miiller, and Naville agree in reading as denoting
that the god Horus is bringing to the king 6,000 prisoners. The
enemy is bearded with bare head and long hair, while he wears a
narrow cincture to which is attached a vioocha, or small bark apron
like that worn by the Nyam-Nyam and other races of Central Africa.
His name, denoted by the sign [ iA\\\J , may be read Shes-she
(''attendant of the lake ? ")•
In the lowest register are two flying enemies with names denoted
by the signs above them, of which I can offer no explanation. The
one on the right or sinister side is circumcised.
Of the date of this monument I do not think there can be
much doubt. The king, whom I have called Narmer, is now shown
by Prof. Petrie's discoveries last winter to be one of those whose
inscriptions are found in the royal necropolis of the First Dynasty at
Abydos, and whom he has shown to be earlier in date than
Usaphaidos or Hesepti, the fifth king of the dynasty according to
Manetho and the Abydos tablet.! The enemy over whom
he is here shown to be triumphing appear to be Libyans, as are
possibly the slave slipper-bearer and the attendants on the two
tailed monsters. That in his time metal was freely used is shown by
the use of the chisel sign. The king on the reverse of the slate
may possibly be not Narmer, as the name, which is repeated in the
case of the slipper-bearer, is not repeated in the case of his master,
and the appearance of the rectangle containing the royal name at
the top may only refer to the temple or festival instituted by Narmer.
* The urreus, which appears on the cap of Den (or Hesepti) in the Macgregor
Tablet, is here absent.
t He has since stated his reasons for believing him to be the king either
immediately before or immediately after Menes.
129
Mav 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGV. [1900.
If this be so, the king here depicted is probably later than Narmer,
and the more complete form of the false door in the rectangle may
be intended to signify that Narmer is dead. The enemies in this case
are also probably of different race to the one on the lowest register
of the obverse.
Plate II.
This slate, which in many ways seems to be most closely
connected with the last, is in three pieces, of which the upper part
(distinguished on the Plate by a lighter colour than the others) is
now in the Louvre, and is here represented by a cast. The other
two pieces are now in the British Museum (Fourth Egyptian
Room), so that only a small piece is missing from the entire slate,
which, when complete, must have been more than two feet long.
According to M. Maspero, it was once offered to him as coming
from Abydos, which was very likely the spot at which it was
originally buried. It is carved on one side only. As will be seen,
it represents a race of bearded warriors ostensibly engaged in
hunting. They wear the same kilt as the kings in the last slate,*
together with greaves and a tail set in a holder, which in their case
appears to be the brush of a fox or jackal. They have no
defensive armour for the head, but wear their own hair of sufficient
length to reach the neck, and waved in a manner which rather
suggests the Egyptian wig, while for ornament one or more feathers
(apparently ostrich plumes) are stuck in the hair. The majority of
them are armed with bows and crescent-headed arrowst with
feathers on both sides of the shaft. Some carry long spears with
bronze heads of an early type, others javelins, double-headed axes
with metal blades, maces, a curved intrument with apparently a
metal blade, and a weapon that may be a boomerang, while two
have lassoes. Three bear standards, of which two are surmounted
by a hawk, and the third may be an early form of the "Standard of
the East."t Four of the warriors wear ovoid shields slung behind
them. At the more pointed end of the slate is a lion transfixed by
six arrows, and at the broader end another, with two arrows in his
head and followed by a lioness, chasing one of the warriors who
* This is entirely different from the later Egyptian loin-cloth, for the different
varieties of which see Spiegelberg, Rec. de Trav., t. XXI, p. 54 sqq.
t A favourite form for flint arrow-heads.
X Griffith, Boii Hassaii, III, PI. Ill, fig. 26. Details of the weapons kindly
drawn by Mr. Ry lands will be found on I'l. IX, infra.
130
May 8J PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
has apparently just discharged his bow. On the edge, and rather
outside the plan of the rest of the slate, is drawn a building consist-
ing of a palisade with a door on one side, on the top of which is a
dome or cupola, perhaps of straw-thatch, between two uprights.*
Beside this stands a monster consisting of the foreparts of two bulls
joined together about the middle of the body.f In the middle of
the slate are the lesser game, all running towards the end where the
building is placed. They consist of a rabbit, or rather, from its size,
the fennec or jerboa that M. Maspero supposes to have been the
prototype of the Set animal, J three of the larger cervidce (apparently
hartebeests), one of which is lassoed and requires two or three men
to hold it, an ostrich, a stag with branching horns, two jackals, and
a gazelle. Bearing in mind that such a collection of animals is very
unlikely to be found together, and that neither shields nor standards
are usual equipments for the hunting-field, it seems improbable that
this scene is meant to be taken as anything occurring in nature, and I
suggest that it is an allegorical way of rendering the defeat by the
kilted warriors of the various tribes typified by the animals here
depicted. § The fact that primitive peoples, such as the North
American Indians, are in the habit of typifying both their own and
other tribes under animal forms is too well known to need further
reference.
This slate appears to be earlier than that of Plate I. Although
the drawing is both freer and truer to nature, there is an almost total
absence of all known hieroglyphs, while the work is not so highly
finished as in the last named. It is to be noted that the eyes of all
the animals have been bored out, apparently with a drill, and inlaid
with some substance which may be glass.
Flate III. Obverse.
This, which is perhaps the most curious and certainly the least
Egyptian in appearance of the complete slates, was also found by
* Cf. the Zulu or Kaffir kraal with stockade. Deniker, Races of Man (Eng.
ed.), p. 167.
t Capart, Rec. de Trav., t. XXII, pp. \qZ sqq., gives a possible reading of
this sign, which may mean thai the animals are retreating into the kraal, or are
looking for a place of refuge.
X Hist, ancienne de V Orient classi que, I, p. 103.
§ Professor Petrie mentioned at the meeting that the strongest argument in
favour of this view was, perhaps, the fact that on the slate in PI. V all the
assailants of the cities are actually represented as animals.
May 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1900.
Mr. Quibell at Hieraconpolis on the same occasion and site as that
of Plate I. It is smaller than the other, being about 15 inches high,
and is now in the Ashmolean Museum at Oxford. The top of the
slate is formed by two animals that I believe to be dogs, with prick
ears,* fox-like muzzles, and bushy tails, who are standing on their
hind legs in a constrained attitude and with their fore paws touching.
Within the arch thus formed are two compound monsters of the same
kind as those in Plate I, licking a kneeling animal which is either a
goat or an antelope (kudu ?) while immediately above them is an
ostrich. In the spaces between the monsters' necks and the bellies of
the dogs creep two smaller animals, without horns, but with peculiar,
almost circular, ears, and a third bridges the space between the
lowest part of the monsters' necks. In the lower part of the slate
is a dog of another breed with a heavy mastiff-like head, pendant
ears, and a collar, who is driving before him an oryx, an antelope
{Hippotragus viajor ?), and a third horned animal like the kneeling
one above. Below this, again, are two similar dogs attacking a
hartebeest, who seems to have broken back from the rest.
Reverse.
The top of the slate is again taken up by the same pair of dogs,
while within the arch formed by their bodies are two well-drawn
lions licking or playing with two horned animals who appear to be
goats. Below this one of the compound monsters is biting the fore-
leg of an oryx, while below this, again, a spotted panther is chasing
a horned animal with a long tail, who is probably a ram. Then
comes another of the ring-eared animals, followed by a hartebeest,
while below this pair a griffin chases a bull. In the pointed lower
end of the palette is a monkey with long ears and a strap round his
waist playing a flute (?), a giraffe, and another antelope. On this
slate also the eyes of the animals are drilled out for inlaying, while
the heads of the dogs at the top are pierced with holes, as if this part
of the slate were made separately, and fastened with " dowels " to the
other.! Parity of reasoning would lead one to conclude that this,
like that on Plate II, is a war-scene symbolically represented,
* In the two principal figures on the top the ears make almost an equilateral
triangle. All the ears on this slate are very oddly drawn, the tendency to round
the points being noticeable even with animals like the lions and the giraffe.
+ The treatment used with the heads of the lions over the " Lion Gate " of
Mycenae, who are posed in the same way (Schliemann, Mycenm, p. 33).
132
May 8] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
though it is a little surprising to find the bull, which we have before
seen as a royal type, among the hunted rather than the hunters.
The work is still rougher than that on Plate II, but the drawing is
spirited. As the animals represented are treated in the same way
as those on that plate, especially about the feet and legs, it may,
perhaps, be taken as equal in point of age.
Plate IV. Obverse.
This fragment, which is of unknown provenance, is now in the
Louvre.* The top of the slate is occupied by the group of a bull
trampling on a man, which is so carved that it presents the same
appearance from each side of the slate, an artifice which may have
been repeated in the slates on Plates I and III. The man, who has
short curled hair and a curled beard like that of the human-headed
bull of Assyria, has a peculiar profile, with thick nose and retreating
chin. The only clothing he wears is the braguette, fastened to a
narrow girdle. f Below this is a cord grasped by five hands attached
to rods, the first four of which terminate in standards, bearing two
jackals, a hawk, and an ibis, no doubt representing the gods Anubis,
Apuat, Horus, and Thoth respectively. The fifth rod, instead of a
standard, bears the tat sign, or some object like a small cylinder,
with four square nuts upon it, which M. Pierret, as quoted by
M. Heuzey, assigns to the god Min.| Below this is a man's
head of the same type as that of the bull's victim. The lower part
of a human leg is to be indistinctly seen above it.
Reverse.
Although the fragment is here badly mutilated, it is clear that it
once contained two rows of crenellated cartouches bearing the names
of cities. Of the upper row only one is left to us, which shows an
animal, perhaps a panther, with an urn, in front of him. In tlie
register below this is a smaller cartouche— the diminution in size
* From Prof. Sayce's remarks in P.S.B.A., XX (1898), p. 99, it appears that
this and the two slates next mentioned all come from Abydos.
t For details, see Naville, Kec. de Trav., t. XXII, p. 4. As he there point
out, an exactly similar bragitette is worn by the man who is being trampled by a
bull on the gold vase of Vaphio. For its use and name among the New
Caledonians, see Rev. cTEtlmoo. (1889), t. VII, p. loi.
X Bull. Corr. Hellenique, t. XVI (1892), p. 312. Steindorff [Aegyptiaca,
p. 130) recognises in it the Min-emblem given by Prof. Petrie in Kopios, PI. III.
133
May 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1900.
shows, I think, that the slate tapered to a blunt point like the
others — on which a bird something like an ibis is alone visible.
Neither cartouche is, so far as can be seen, broken, and one is
therefore led to conclude that these are the cities that helped the
" Strong Bull" in his conquest of the foe, rather than, as on Plate I,
those of the conquered. The cord in the obverse may possibly
have some connection with the passage on the Palermo Stone, which,
after recording the 1 ^^^ m 5\^^ {Destruction of the Ann)
says: ^r-j vx |^^_j J | | | [jnn, which Prof. Naville reads,
" Safekhabui stretches the white cord from the great door of the
palace of the Divine Thrones."* The relative age of the fragment
is very hard to guess. The drawing of the bull and man group,
upon which much pains have been taken, does not lack spirit, and is
superior to that of the corresponding group on Plate I, although it is
treated in the same conventional way. On the other hand, the
drawing of the animals in the cartouches is lamentably poor, and
nearly as rough as the work on the bowl of King Den (for which see
F.S.B.A., XXI, p. 186). Altogether, I should think it might be
earlier than Plate I, or more probably about the same date.
Plate V. Obverse.
This fragment, evidently the lower part of a slate shaped like the
others is now in the Gizeh Museum, It is divided into four parts by
horizontal bands, the upper one containing a procession of bulls, the
second one of jackasses, and the third one of rams, while the fourth
is occupied by the branches of trees, or rather shrubs. The fact that
the animals are all male would seem to negative the conclusion
that they represent the loot of captured towns, and points rather to
the fact that they signify different classes of inhabitants.
Reverse.
Here are doubtless the cities out of which the inhabitants
have come. Seven crenellated cartouches are given, and a band
which divides them from the upper part of the slate, and
above which the remains of human feet walking are just visible,
shows that these were all that were originally on the slate.
* Rec. de Trar., t. XXI, p. 116.
May 8] PROCEEDINGS. 1900.]
The first contains a scarabaeus displayed, the second two naked
men in a wresthng attitude, the third an ibis-Hke bird, the
fourth an owl, the fifth what appears to be the origin of the
reed sign I , the sixth a pahsade with a thatched dome above it
which suggests the more complete building on Plate II, and the
seventh what Prof. Steindorff describes as the ka sign LJ but which
seems to have a sort of bar connecting the hands at the wrists,* I
have since wondered whether this is not also a plant sign. If hands,
only three fingers and a thumb are shown. On the top of each of
the last five cartouches (and no doubt on the others if the mutilation
of the tablet did not prevent their appearance) an animal is standing
and wielding a pick with which he is breaking into the city, the
result of his efforts being seen by the loose bricks with which the
interior of the cartouche is filled. Thus, above the owl-city is
perched a hawk, above the reed-city two hawks on standards, above
the house-city a scorpion, and above the X'(7-city a lion. As Professor
Petrie has kindly promised a note on these cartouches and their
significance, I will say nothing more about them here than that
they seem — and in this I believe I have the support of Prof.
Petrie — to show the partition of some part of Egypt among the
different tribes of an invading people. I see nothing to differentiate
the age of this slate in any way from that in Plate IV.
Flate VI. Obverse.
This, the most interesting as well as the most tantalising of the
fragments, is now in the British Museum, and measures about twelve
inches by ten. At the top is something that looks like a bundle
of reeds standing on a circular mound of some plastic substance
such as clay or mud. To the right of this is the lower part of the
figure of a captive with his hands tied behind him and naked save
for a narrow cincture and the Bantu sheath. He is apparently
being impelled forward by a personage clad in a long straight gar-
ment reaching nearly to the feet. This garment has a border running
down the opening and round the lower edge, while it is embroidered
throughout with ornaments resembling eyes. Below this is the
principal group, consisting of an enormous lion with his tail curled
* Prof. Petrie tells me that in First Dynasty remains the ka hands are often
connected by a similar bar.
May 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHiEOLOGY. [1900.
round his off hind leg (as in the sphinx or the sign .^zas) biting into
the entrails of a man lying on his back with his arms unbound.
The back of the victim is arched as if in pain, while the foot of
the captive above, apparently from the impetus with which he has
been pushed forward, is treading on his breast. Behind the lion is
a smaller man completely naked and uncircumcised, in the act of
running away. Below these are seen the corpses of four others, one
of whom has his hands tied behind him, being devoured by ravens,
while a vulture, a hawk, and a large eagle are hastening to the feast.
All four corpses wear the Bantu sheath, have woolly hair, thick
noses, everted lips, and fairly long beards growing from the chin.
The lion's victim and the fugitive are of the same race, which is
plainly negro or " Hamite."* The captive who is being thrust
forward is a powerful man with well developed legs, but the others
show the small waist, narrow hips, and thin legs of the Central
African.
Reverse.
This contains nothing but the stem of a palm-tree and the
legs and lower parts of two animals standing one on each side
of it, who are evidently giraffes. This would seem to show that
the scene depicted is taking place in Upper Egypt, or rather in the
Soudan, the giraffe not being found above the fifteenth degree of
latitude. The utterly un-Egyptian dress of the personage who is
forcing the bound captive to tread on the body of his comrade
reminds one of the dress of the women of Tiryns.f The drawing
throughout is remarkably free and good, much pains having been
taken with the muscles, which show some knowledge of anatomy.
The birds are apparently drawn from nature; although the feathers
are conventionally treated, and the legs out of drawing, the different
species are indicated with much skill and boldness. There is nothing
to connect this slate with the others, but the giraffes are sufificient to
show its African origin. J
* For the migrations of the negro populations of Africa and the probable
origin of the Bantu race, see Deniker, op. cit., p. 429.
t Schliemann, Tiryns, PI. XVII.
X While this paper was in proof, I learned from Prof. Petrie that another
fragment of this slate which clearly connects it with the others is now in the
AshmoJean Museum. I hope to be able to reproduce it in the next number of the
Procttdings.
136
May 8] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
Plate VIL
Shows another fragment from the British Museum. On the
obverse there must once have been a couchant animal with a short
tail, probably a deer or a goat. At the bottom are two Egyptian
geese facing each other, with their wings upraised. On the reverse
is the remains of the same couchant animal as on the obverse.
Purpose of the Slates.
The purpose for which these slates were made seems to be indi-
cated by the ring which appears in the greatest breadth of four of
them, and which would, no doubt, appear in the other three were they
complete. This is, I think, sufficiently shown by the way the whole
composition of the picture is worked up to it. The most obvious
theory is that they were trays or stands intended to be carried
shoulder high (which would account for some being carved on both
sides), and that the ring was intended to receive some top-heavy
object such as the libation vase 0 . But a glance at the slate in
Plate 11 will show that this cannot have been the case. Here the
ring, though perpendicular to the surface of the slate on the outside,
is bevelled on the inner, so that anything placed within it would
slip off directly the slate left the horizontal position. Mr. Quibell's
theory, which is still adhered to by Prof. Petrie, is that this ring was
intended to receive the green paint with which it is supposed the
earliest Egyptians painted their faces, or perhaps only the parts round
the eyes. In support of this there has been adduced the slate
palettes found at Negadah,* which show marks of having been used
for the grinding of malachite and haematite. It is also in favour of
this contention that the rings upon Plates I and II were evidently
made to contain something, that on Plate I being hollowed out
below the level of the rest of the groundwork, and that on Plate II
being bevelled on the inner side, as has been said. But on the whole
I am compelled to differ— though I do it with great reluctance — from
Prof Petrie, m supposing that this was paint. The rings on Plates
III and VII are formed on the same plane as the groundwork in the
carvings, being really made by a filet saillant (as M. Heuzey
calls it), being left when the slate was cut down to the base of the
* Petrie, Naqada and Ballas, Plate L.
137
May 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILT-OLOGV. [1900.
reMef. They were therefore, in this case, put in from a decorative
rather than from a utilitarian motive, although they no doubt had also
some symbolical meaning. Looking at the fact that the composite
monsters of the slates, all of which are represented on the ivories
given in Plate VIII and in Vol. X of the Proceedings, are always
associated with a sun-disk, and that the geese on Plate VII are
shown on several monuments* in the same attitude with regard
to the disk as the birds on that slate, I see no reason to doubt
that this ring here represents the sun. It is quite possible that
in Plates I and II the significance of this was heightened by the
introduction of some bright substance such as gold foil (which
could be attached to the slate as in Mycenas with the cement
called x/3'^o'o'^o^^«> without leaving marks of its use) or by a piece
of glass, if, as seems likely, glass was then invented, f It should
not be forgotten that Egyptian shields also carried a disk-like
depression in the middle (perhaps with the same significance),
and that some of these slates are of somewhat the same shape
as the shields borne by the warriors on Plate IT, of which
they may possibly be a survival. Although the slates have no
means of attachment, and could never have been used in actual
warfare, they may, like the ancilia of Rome, have been preserved
for ritual reasons, and the warlike scenes represented on them
would seem more appropriate to an implement of war than to a
receptacle for cosmetics.
Conclusions.
From all these facts, I conclude that the sculptures on these
shtes refer to battles which took place at, or perhaps before the
establishment of the united monarchy under Menes, and that the
conquered were the different natives— negroes, Libyans, and perhaps
Bedouin — inhabiting the country before the coming of the dynastic
Egyptians. That some of these aboriginal tribes were sufficiently
civilized to have villages and even cities, is shown by the cartouches,
although their inhabitants were evidently an easy prey to the
conquerors, who drove them before them as the carnivora do the
* Mariettc, Dendh-ah, t. II, V\. 86 c, t. Ill, V\. 14 c.
fin this connection may be quoted Apuleius's description of the I.^iac procession
at Cenchrere [Met., cap. IX), where a body of priests preceded the goddess
liearing mirrors /^«^ terqum reversiu The worship of the Greek Isis is of course
no precedent for the usages of early times, but that it sliowcd many sur\'ivals of
Egyptian practices is plain from the use of Nile water and the like.
138
PLATE I.
Proc, Soc. Btbl Arch., May, iqoo.
Obverse.
FKOM A niOTOGKAPH OF THE ORIGINAL ].\ THI-; GIZEH MUSEU?
Proc, Soc. Bibl. Arch., May, 1900.
PLATE I.
Reverse.
PLATE II.
FKOM A CAST OF THE FRAGMENT IN THE LOUVRE
Froc. Sec. Bibl, Arch., Nay, 1900.
RIGIXAL FRAGMENTS IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM.
PLATE III.
Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., Llay, 1900.
Obverse.
FROM A I'HOTOGRAl'H OF THE ORIGINAL IN IIIE ASHMCH.LAN-
MUSEUM.
Proc. Soc. BihL Arch., May, 1900.
PLATE TIL
Reverse.
rroc. Soc. Bill. Auh., May, 1900.
PLATE IV.
Obverse.
From the Bitllclin de Corycspondancc Ilcllaiiqtie,
t: xvi (1S92).
PLATE IV.
Froc. Soc Bibl. Arch., May, 1900.
Reverse.
4
PLATE V.
Proc. Soc. BibL Arch., May, 1900.
Op.verse.
Reversp:.
From De Morgan, Recherches sur rorigine de rEgybtc. Tome II
(Paris, Leroux, 1S98.)
Froc. Soc. BibL Arch., May, 1900.
>
<;
V
iik
v\
Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., May, 1900.
>
\
Proc. Soc. Bihl. Arch., May, 1900.
>
H
<:
Oh
i
Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., May, 1900,
PLATE VIII.
PLATE IX.
Proc. Soc. Bihl. Arch., May, 1900.
DETAILS OF WEAPONS ETC., OX THE SLATE OE PLATE II.
May 8] PROCEEDINGS. [1500.
bovidcR and the cervidie. That the conquerors were not natives of
Egypt is shown, I think, by their weapons, the double-bladed axe
being, so far as I know, pecuHar to Asia Minor. Here its supposed
" Lydian " or Carian name of Ad/i/ws- gave a title to the Zeus
Labrandios who was worshipped down into Roman times. It was
the distinctive weapon of the Amazons, who are generally placed in
Lycia and Phrygia, where they are often associated with griflfins
resembling that on Plate III, and it formed the principal ornament
on the coins of the island of Tenedos.* The use of greaves is
peculiar, I believe, to a mountain people, and would agree well with
those Lydian or Carian mountaineers from whom, as is now generally
believed, the evKfrjfucci 'Axaioi derived their civilization, while the
use of woollen clothing among the Greeks (as on these slates) is
often attributed to the same source. That the conquerors who
made these monuments had high artistic instincts and a knowledge
o{ technique that argues a long practice of art is apparent from the
objects themselves, which are immensely superior in this respect to
any later Egyptian work. Everything therefore goes to show that
these monuments are the work of invaders coming from Asia Minor,
and probably of the same race as those who founded the civilization
of the ^gean, and perhaps of the Western Mediterranean. That
such a conquest is indicated by other facts in Egyptian archaeology
has, I believe, already been held probable by M. Maspero, Prof.
Naville, and Prof. Petrie.
* Schliemann, Myceinr, p. 252, S(jq.
t I do not know whether it has been noticed that the two warriors on one of
the Myceneean vases wear long tails like those of the kings on these slates
(Schliemann, Tirytis, Plate XIV).
139
Mav 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.-EOLOGY. [1900.
NOTE ON A CARVED SLATE.
By W. M. Flinders Petrie.
As the carved slate palettes of early Egypt are under discussion,
it may be well to state a view of one of these (drawn here as PL V)
which I have mentioned in lectures during past years. Each
enclosure on the reverse of PI. V contains a hieroglyph, and also
some square blocks, which apparently represent fallen bricks, as on
the lower part of the great slate of Narmer. Each enclosure has on
the top of it an animal, such as is seen on the standards of the
nomes or army corps, the hawk, lion, scorpion, and two hawks on
standards. Each animal holds a pick, which it is driving into the
wall of the enclosure. This seems to be an emblematic history of
the conquest^of seven Egyptian towns by various other tribes or
towns whose emblems are figured as attacking them.
How far can these towns be identified in later history, and to
what district does this refer ? As each town has but one single
hieroglyph, it is obviously a very simple form of the name, (i) The
first contains an owl, perhaps connected with the town Mm, written
with two owls, in the Fayum. (2) The second has a crested bird,
which may well be the bennu, as the early forms of birds differ much
from the later standard; in this we have Ha-bennu, the name of
Hipponon, Heliopolis, and Tanis. (3) The third has two figures
wrestling, which would well be the town of the combatants, Pa-
rehehui, westTof the Oxyrhynkite canal. This would lead to iden-
tifying No. 2 with Hipponon. (4) The fourth has the kheper and
mouth r : all of the kheper towns of later ages are in the south,
Abydos, Dendereh, Thebes and Edfu ; so this can hardly be
identified, as we seem to have to deal with northern and middle
Egypt here. (5) The fifth has the ka arms. Ha-ka was near Tanis,
and another in the Letopolite nome ; also combinations of Ha-ka-ptah
and Ila-ka-sokar at Memphis, and Ha-ka-e7i-ra in the Prosopite
(IVth) nome. (6) The sixth has a primitive hut, a building of
140
May 8] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
reeds (?) with a domed roof of matting, like the modern Bisharin
huts. This must have been some important pubHc construction,
for it to be used thus as the town emblem. The only later town
called after a building is Hebt, Behbit in the Delta. (7) The
seventh has a growing plant, probably the su sign. There were
naturally several Ha-siiten towns, as royal property. One is in the
XVIIlth name near Habennu, another in the Saite name, and
another in Xois. The last may have been so called later, as the
seat of the XlVth Dynasty.
On the whole the upper line of four towns seem to belong to
Middle Egypt, and the lower line of three towns to the Delta.
On another of these slates, PL II, is the sign of the foreparts of
two oxen joined, and a hut building by it. This might refer to a
sacred or royal building in the Libyan nome, as the canal there was
named Aqer^ written by this same sign.
Of course we can hardly expect to find all the names by which
places were know to the earlier population transmitted by the
language of later times ; but the long survival of names, through
five or six thousand years in the East, shews that we are justified in
trying to track them through one or two thousand years earlier.
As the question of the use of these slates has been raised, it is
well to remember that they are precisely of the forms of prehistoric
slate palettes, which were used for grinding the face paint ; and the
cup hollow or ring space on each palette would be suited for holding
the paint. As along with these carved slates were found great mace
heads covered with fine carving, it is clear that ordinary daily objects
were at that time developed into ceremonial show-pieces, and made
the vehicle for historical records. The development of snuffboxes
into gorgeous and ^'artistic valuables in the last century, is on the
same principle.
141 N 2
May 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1900.
EXTRACTS FROM MY NOTEBOOKS (III).
By Percy E. Newberry.
14. The Cornflower in Egyptian Art. Mr. Petrie has
described {Tell el Amarna^ pp. 28-30) a number of small moulded
figures representing birds, flowers, fruits, &c., which were coated
with coloured glaze and used, some for inlaying, others as pendants
for hanging from bead necklaces, &c., for personal adornment :
these interesting little objects of antiquity were discovered in
the winter of 189 1-2 among the ruins of the town of Akhut-aten
(Tell el Amarna), founded by Akhenaten (Amenhetep IV). Since
then I have formed a large collection of similar objects from the
Palace of Amenhetep III at Thebes,* a site which has during the
past few years been ransacked by the Kurnawi Arab dealers in
antiquities. Among the developments of vegetable forms occur
beads derived from seeds, palmettos and rosettes from flowers ; small
models of fruits, such as bunches of grapes, persea and pome-
granate fruits and dates (in various stages of development) are
common ; buds, petals, and sepals of flowers (as the lotus or water-
lily) are also found as well as representations of different kinds of
flowers. Among the latter a thistle-like flower (described by
Wilkinson as a pine-apple,t by Petrie as a thistle) J appears to have
been the most used for personal ornament. The colouring of this
thistle-like flower is often very beautiful ; one exquisite specimen
that I possess has a carefully shaded calyx or " receptacle," and
violet-blue flowerets (PI. I, fig. i). The identification of these
* The site of this Palace was discovered by M. Grebaut in the winter of
18S8-9, although the Araljs had been digging there for many years before. Some
small antiquities were found among its x\x\n%{Biilletiii dc l' lust^lut Egyptien, l88y,
Inventaire No. 28873) '^"d several beautiful painted pavements were uncovered.
Some of the latter (including one representing an Asiatic captive) were removed
lo Gizeh (cf. Bulletin, Inventaire Nos. 28840, 28922), but as no precautions were
taken to preser-vc those that were left, they have unfortunately been broken up by
the Arabs, and are now almost entirely destroyed.
t The Egyptians in the time of the F/taroahs, p. 87.
X Tell el Amarna, p. 30. Egyptian Decorative Art, p. 82.
142
PLATE I.
Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., May, 1900.
FLOWERS
VIOLELT
THE CORNFLOWEE.
P.E.N.
-^lAV 8] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
Hower forms is a matter of some interest and perhaps worth
recording.
The plant bearing these thistle-like flowers is, so far as is at
present known, but twice represented in Ancient Egyptian paintings :*
first we find it on the painted pavement of the harim buildings of
Akhenaten {Tell el Amarna, Pis. II-IV, pp. 12-14) ; secondly in a
representation of a garden in the tomb of Apuy {temj). end of
XVIIIth Dynasty) at Der el Medineh. In the former painting the
plant is so naturally treated (PI. I, fig. 2), that we have little dififkulty
in recognising the cornflower or blue-bottle. The plant, it will
be seen, is herbaceous, with narrow and entire leaves arranged
alternately on the stem ; the flowers or flowerets are collected in
dense heads upon a common receptacle surrounded by an involucre
with teeth-like bracts (see especially fig. 3), In tombs of the
XVIIIth Dynasty at Thebes {lemj?. Thothmes III to Amenhetep
III) these flowers sometimes appear in the garlands figured on the
walls! (PI. i,fig. 4), and cornflowers have actually been identified
from among the funeral wreaths discovered in ancient tombs. In
the Leyden Museum are preserved several garlands made of flowers
of a species of centaurea and leaves of the mimusops ; | Dr.
Schweinfurth found similarly made garlands among those which
once adorned the mummy of Nesi-khensu, discovered in the famous
pit at Der el Bahari,§ and I have myself identified many cornflowers
among the wreaths brought to light by Prof. Petrie from the Gr^eco-
A representation of the flower with leaves occurs also on a broken glazed tile
(temp. Akhenaten) in the collection of Lord Amherst of Hackney.
t For instance, in the unpublished tomb of the " Purveyor of Flowers " to
the temple of Amen under Thuthmes III. Fig. 4 is from a bouquet given by
Prisse d'Avennes (Hist, de VArt Egyptien, Vol. II, PI. 62). Beautiful as the
plates of this work are, the colouring is often, unfortunately, very inaccurate ;
several flowers which are really blue on the monument are given as scarlet ( !) in the
plate. The yellow ovoid fruits between the two lower cornflowers are doubtless
Persea fruits (cf. my note on the Persea in last December's number of these
Proceedings , p. 304).
X Dr. Pleyte kindly sent me a fragment of one of these garlands in 1888 for
comparison with those found at Hawara. He has described them in his La
Couron/te de ia/ustijication (Trans. Congress Internat. des Oiientalists a Leide,
1884, cf. also Pleyte, Bloemen en plan ten nit Oud-Egypte in het Museum tc
Leiden (" Jaarvergadering der Nerdl. botan. Vereeniging, Leide," 1882).
Fragments of flowers of a species of Centaurea are also preserved in the Turin
Museum.
§ Schweinfurth. Cf. Loret, La Flore Pharaoniqiie^ p. 65, No. 106.
143
May 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [igcxD.
Roman cemetery at Hawara.* It is a curious fact that the flowers
found in these ancient wreaths do not belong to the common corn-
flower {Cenfaurea Cyanus, L.) which is met with in most of the
cornfields of Europe, and occurs also in the Delta of Egypt, but to
a species (C dep?-essa, Bieb.) which is now only found in Asia
Minor, the Caucasus and neighbouring countries.! This species
must have had a wider distribution in ancient times, unless, as there
is some reason to suppose, it was introduced into Egypt along with
certain cereals as a weed. J However that may be, we find it
cultivated in the gardens at Thebes, and used as a garland flower in
the XVIIIth and XXth Dynasties, and occurring again in the Fayum
in the Graeco-Roman period. § It is but reasonable, therefore, to
suppose that as all the specimens of cornflower which have been
found belong to tlie species C. depressa, and not to C. Cya?ius, it is
this species that is figured on the monuments, and represented in
the little moulded forms.
15. The Poppy in Egyptian Art. Side by side with the corn-
flower on the Tell el Amarna painted pavement is represented
another herbaceous plant, with alternate pinnatifid leaves and
scarlet flowers (PI. II, fig. i||): the treatment of this plant is so
natural that we have very little difficulty in recognising the
common poppy {Papaver Hhoeas, L). Among the faience bead
pendants from the Palace of Amenhetep III and from Tell el
Amarna occurs one which is petaloid in shape and coloured a
bright red with a dark violet spot at the base (PI. II, fig. 2) ;
small faience models of nearly the same shape, but with a black
base and a row of small black spots arranged transversely across the
centre, have also been found (PI. 11, fig. 3), but these are rarer than
* Hatvara, Biahmu and Arsinoe, pp. 48, 49.
t Index Kewensis, Vol. I.
X A monograph on the subject of cornfield weeds would be a most valuable
addition to the library of the anthropologist. I found seeds of the C. depressa
occurring in a quantity of barley found at Hawara ; it therefore must have been a
weed growing in the first century B.C. in the cornfields of the Fayum. This little
fact is but another link in the chain of evidence regarding the original home of
one of the most important cereals. The evidence of philology, botany, and
archaeology all point to Mesopotamia and the valley of the Euphrates as the
country from whence wheat originally came.
§ Newberry, Report of Bi-itish Association, 1S88, p. 712.
II Petrie, Tell el Amarna, PI. IIL
144
PLATE II.
Proc. Soc. Bib!. Arch., May, 1900.
(5(^0
• f tV /• •
■-« CieiK
THE POPPV.
P.E.N.
May 8] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
the pendants, and were apparently used for inlaying.* On two
beautiful fragments of a painted potf from the Palace of Amen-
hetep we see the same red petal with black claw figured with lotus
flowers and persea fruits (PI. II, fig. 4). In XVIIIth Dynasty
tombs at Thebes similarly shaped and coloured petals are some-
times found represented in garlands, and in one tomb the small
black spots represented on the petal are connected by vertical black
lines with the black base (PI. II, fig. 5) : thus we see that the black
spots represent the anthers, the vertical black lines the filaments
connecting them with the base or " claw " of the petal. In the
same garland we see the young flower buds with the caducous
sepals still intact and beneath them, buds with the sepals fallen.
A comparison of these model petals with those of the scarlet poppy
leaves little doubt that we have here a representation of this attrac-
tive cornfield blossom. But there is other evidence which has to
be taken into account : perfect flowers of the species have been
identified by Dr. Schweinfurth from among the wreaths which were
discovered with the mummy of Princess Nesi-khensu — the same
wreaths, it will be noticed, in which that distinguished botanist
found flower-heads of the cornflower. | The history of this plant
in Egypt is no doubt identical with that of the cornflower, but it
was already found in the cornfields of the Fayum as early as the
Xllth Dynasty.§ In the time of Thothmes III it was cultivated in
the gardens of Upper Egypt, for it is figured in the garlands
represented in the mural paintings of the tomb of Nekht {temp.
Thothmes III) at Kurneh.|| On a toilet-boxH of about the same
date (found at Thebes, and now preserved in the Louvre), buds of
the poppy are represented together with lotus flowers : fig. 6,
PI. II, shows one of these buds with the caducous sepals wanting.
Later, in the reigns of Amenhetep III and Akhenaten, we find
* A fine set oi model poppy petals used for inlaying may be seen in the
British Museum.
t One fragment is in the collection of Dr. Spiegelberg, of Strassburg.
X It should be remarked, however, that Dr. Schweinfurth found the petals
of these ancienf specimens destitute of the black spot on the base or claw so
characteristic of many varieties of the poppy.
§ Kahiin, Gurob and Ha7aaia, -p- So-
il Prisse's figure {Histoire, Vol. II, PI. 67) is very inaccurate.
!■ Figured in Prisse, Histoire, Vol. II, PI. 93. Cf. Mon. Egyptien, XLVIII.
Poppy flowers appear to be represented on a painted vase in Prisse, Histoire,
Vol. II, Pis. 81-82.
M5
May 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1900.
models of the petals among the bead pendants, &c., from those
monarch's palaces at Thebes and Tell el Amarna ; at the latter
place occurs also a representation of the plant itself on the cele-
brated painted pavement.* During the XlXth Dynasty no figure
of the plant or flower occurs on the monuments, but blossoms of
P. r/ioeas var. ge7iuina, as noticed above, have been identified by
Dr. Schweinfurth in wreaths of the XXth Dynasty. Lastly we find
petals of the plant in wreaths of the Graeco-Roman period at
Hawara.f At the present day the common poppy is found nowhere
in Upper Egypt (except under cultivation in a few gardens), and
appears to be absent from the whole Nile Valley, but it is met with
in abundance near Alexandria and on the iSIediterranean coast as a
weed in cornfields.
16. The ''y ^ v^ Nefu, "root of the Cypcriis esciilentus,
L." The wcrd 7iefu determined by "^ , the generic determinative of
plant names or vegetable products, J occurs in several hieroglyphic
inscriptions, but its precise meaning has not yet been ascertained.
I pointed out a year or more ago § that as it is mentioned in a late
inscription at Philpe, as a product of nn^ Mehi^ a district and
town of Nubia to the south of Ibrim,|| and, further, as it formed
part of the cargoes of various ships which accompanied a foreign
expedition of Piankhy's from Nubia or the Soudan, it is probably
some vegetable product peculiar to, or only growing luxuriantly in
the Upper Nile regions. In the Piankhy inscription it is described
numbers of such bundles are mentioned in the Great Harris Papyrus
among the gifts of Rameses III to the temples of Kgypt (65a, 7,
74, 5). A figure of some of these bundles is given in the tomb of
* Plate II, fig. I, from Petrie's Tell el A mama, PI. III.
t Kahwi, Gurob and Ilaiuara, p. 47.
X The determinative "UT does not necessarily mean that the word signifies a
plant-name, for in many cases it certainly signifies nothing more than vegetable
product. It is true that names of fruits are generally determined by the o sign,
hut in the case of names of roots, stems and leaves, \(T is often undoubtedly used.
(C/. Od. 9, 84, the esculent lotus is called iivOirov tJSap, but this does not mean
the/lower being eaten; it merely refers to the vegetable nature of the food.)
§ Benson and Gourlay, The Temple of MiU, p. 371-374.
I! Brugsch, Lex., Siibpl., p. 667.
146
as having been packed up in ^ n ^''^^''j " bundles," and large
May 8]
PROCEEDINGS.
[1900.
Rekhmara at Thebes* (see fig. i). They are coloured browny pink
with red horizontal lines ; they are wide in the centre, slender at the
two ends, and tied round with reeds or rope. From the figure it
might be thought that some kind of reed or grass was intended to
be represented, but I suspect that we see here only the outer cover-
ing of the bundle, the «(?/;/-plant or product being packed inside.
In the Great Harris Papyrus (65a, 8, 74, 6) the 7iefu is also
mentioned as having been presented in ^ -TV pessa,j which
may mean "baskets," or perhaps "bags " or "sacks." It must be
Fig. I.
acknowledged that the above data for the identification of the ?iefu
are very scanty, but it seems that the name itself is still preserved
in Central and Northern Africa. An important vegetable product
of the Soudan is the root of the edible Cyperus {Cyperus esculenhis,
L.) large quantities of which are consumed by the natives. J The
name of this root among the Arabs of Egypt is habb el aziz, " the
exquisite grain," but in the Soudan it is generally known as the ^
Nefu or Niifu^ a name which corresponds exactly with the >^ ? ^ "^
of the ancient inscriptions. Rhizomes of this plant have been found
* Newberry, Rekhmara, PI. XIV.
t Brugsch {Lex., SuppL, p. 484) translates, " Brette oder sonstige unterlagezur
Aufnahme von Blumeii." In the Mut Piankh>> inscription {Temple of Mitt, p.
372) a \iox.A pessa is also found, but it is determined by "uT and not by -O", and
consequently must mean some plant or vegetable product.
% Baith, Travels in Africa, 1851, June 7th, 1S52, March 5th.
§ Ibid.
147
May 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1900.
in ancient tombs at Thebes, and some from that locaUty are pre-
served in the Gizeh Museum;* that they were used for eating
purposes by the Ancient Egyptians is expressly stated by Theo-
phrastus {H.P., 4, 8, 12) and Pliny {N.H., 21, 52 and 67, cf. Strabo,
G., xvii, 2, 2).
1 7. The <— =^ ^^, j cr>^ tab ark (?)
STRING OF DRIED
FIGS," IN ANCIENT LISTS OF OFFERINGS. In lists of offerings in
early tombs the word <r-'=^ ^^ l 0 ^■'^^'^ "^ ^"'»'" ''^ sometimes
followed by the sign of string c:>v: (Petrie, Medujn, PL XX, etc.),
but I am not aware that any explanation has been given of this
somewhat curious fact. In modern Egyptian village markets I have
often noticed dried figs pierced through the centre and threaded by
a string from eighteen to twenty-four inches in length, in which form
they are sold for a piastre or so per hubl, " rope." This custom of
threading dried figs is at the present day well nigh universal ; I have
noticed strings of dried figs (generally of inferior kind) offered for
sale in Italy, Spain, France, and in England. Probably in this
custom we have the explanation of the use of the sign o^
after the name of the fig, and we should therefore translate
1 <=>^ by " string of dried figs." Conclusive evidence
on this point, however, is given by a variant
of the sign c=>^ which occurs in a list of
offerings in the tomb of Amenemhat at Beni
Hasan (I, xvii, list of offerings, 3rd division,
No. 19, from the right); here we have the Fig. 2.
string with the figs on it actually represented (see fig. 2).
[P.S.- — Since writing the above note I hear from Professor Petrie
that he has this year discovered a number of figs in the tomb of
King Den {temp. 1st Dynasty). These were found, to quote his own
words, " ati rouleau with a hole in them ; very probably they were
strung,"]
18. A Statue of Hapu,! father of Thothmes IInd's VezIr
Hapu-senb. In the January number of these Proceedings (pp.
31-36) I gave an account of a statue of Hapu-senb, which is
* Loret, La Flore Pharaoniqiie, 2'^ edition, 1892, p. 27.
t This statue has been briefly described by I.anzoni {Ca/. Turin, No. 3061).
148
May 8] TROCEEDINGS. [1900.
preserved in the Louvre. Since that note was written I have visited
the Museum at Turin, and find that among the statues of that
magnificent collection there is a figure in grey granite, about 3 feet
9 inches high, of Hapu-senb's father Hapu.* This figure is repre-
sented standing, the arms hang down the sides with the hands flat
upon the hips. The left leg is thrust forward ; the feet are without
sandals. A wig, falling to the shoulders, covers the ears and back
part of the head. The chest is bare, but a long painted garment
clothes the lower part of the body, and reaches close to the feet.
Down the front of the garment is a vertical line of hieroglyphs giving
the Te hetep seten formula to Amen-Ra, king of the gods, and the
name of Hapu's son " who made to live his name," the high priest
of Amen, Hapu-senb. The first half of the inscription has been
erased by an official of Akhenaten, and faultily restored at some
later period. The line reads ,tf::^f^WW^'fm
back of the statue is supported by a slab of stone cut in the shape
of a stela, and reaching to the same height as the figure. This is
inscribed with eighteen horizontal lines of hieroglyphs giving the
Te heiep seten formula to Amen-Ra for offerings at various stated
festivals (the list is a very full one) for the benefit of the Ka of the
O 111 n dit!^ ,, ^j^j^^ j^^^^^ ^^ ^^^^^ " ^ %^ ^ Hapu. The
name of the son, Hapu-senb, occurs again in 1. 1 7, and in 1. 18 is given
„„.,..„., ...„ ^:^l'^i lipi I ^ y Q'^^
" subordinate (?) [of the Chancellor (?) the royalj scribe, first (?)
divine
reads
divine treasurer of Amen " M '^^ Se-Arnen. The inscription
ipM -/---^ (1 -b fi ^ { fl
;mt>t III £r i ^ I <^ i i
I I 1
* The identification is certain : Hapu-senb is mentioned in his tomb at Kurneh
as son of the " third lector of Amen, Hapu."
149
May 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
[1900.
5- 1>0^<=> ^ Q I
^1
^^27
j^ ^^::^ ^^5:7 ^3:7 ^ ^2^ ^ 1j^3:7
iJffif]^*^^
!■
\3:7
^-i
v5:7
o
^^^y^
o
c^
VVA.AAA ^,>MO j/WlO
II. fl
12.
I I I
13-
14.
At>K/>
yWVS/V\
I I
16.
150
May 8]
PROCEEDINGS.
[1900.
To the list of antiquities bearing the name of Hapu-senb (given
on p. 36 of these Proceedings), may be added a funerary vase in the
Turin Museum (Lanzoni, Cat. Turin, p. 447, No. 3304).
19. A Statuette of Min-nekht,* Superintendent of the
Gran.-vries under Thothmes III. In the Turin ]\Iuseum is the
lower part (about seven inches in height) of an interesting little
grey granite statuette of r Y/j '^ Min-nekht, the A\\n I " Superin-
tendent of the Granaries," whose cenotaph at Gebel Silsileh is dated
in the reign of Thothmes III, and whose tomb is in the Sheikh Abd
el Kurneh.f The figure was represented in a sitting posture with
the legs crossed in front (in the same position as the celebrated
seated scribe in the Louvre). The left hand holds a papyrus roll
upon the lefc thigh, a page of it has been unrolled and is spread
across the loin cloth of the figure and held down by the right hand
upon the right thigh : this page is inscribed with seven vertical lines
of hieroglyphs, reading : —
-<2>-
ra D
1D
\M ^
P
I I I
o
I I I
^ w
o
'III
Uii
H T? P
I sic
Q
If 11
The first two lines are very remarkable ; I do not know of any
other mstance of an official of lower rank than a /^^^ or "vezir,"
who is said to have "made laws or established rules," although, of
course, with vezirs both expressions are common enough. | On the
upper part of the pedestal or base upon which the figure is seated
and immediately in front of the crossed legs is incised a rectangular
* Briefly described by Lanzoni {Caf. Turin, N(5. 3027).
t I have given in Benson and Gourlay's The Temple of Mut, p. 321, a list of
monuments in Egypt and in European museums which bear the name of
this Min-nekht.
% E.g., the seated statue of the Verir Amenhetep {temp. Amenhetep III) in tlie
Gizeh Museum, cf. also my Rekhinara, Plate XIX.
May SJ
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY,
[1900.
mat with offerings upon it, and on either side are two vertical lines
of hieroglyphs, thus : —
1"^ i I
t^'t '^sOdo 0
L=/]
J5
I I i
o
I I I
/VSAAAA
I
AAA/VV\
Around the sides of the base are two inscriptions beginning from
the centre and reading ^*—m m—^ . The first gives the Te hetep seten
formula to Min of Koptos and Isis that they may give glory, power
and justification for the ka of Min-nekht ; the second gives the
Te hetep seten formula to Amen-Ra and Horus that they may give
all that which issues upon their altars daily for the ka of Min-nekht.
The text of these two inscriptions runs : —
1^ ®
^ I
20. Notes on some Hieroglyphic Signs, {a) The hieroglyph
^Q^ adh. This sign is usually classed among the ornaments, pre-
sumably on account of its resemblance to the f^n«<^ 7iub or necklace
sign. It is not mentioned in Griffith's Hieroglyphs, nor is any
a( count of it to be found in Petrie's instructive
chapter on early hieroglyphs in Median. The
earliest example (fig. 3, from the tomb of Metheft,
L., D., II, 3) clearly shows that it is not an orna-
ment, but a fishing-net furnished with floats above
and weights below. A comparison of the earliest
examples of t'iis sign {Methen, L., D., II, 3. Afedum, Fig. 3.
pi. IX, &c.) with the nets represented in fishing scenes {Medum,
pi. XI, and L., D., II, 46) can leave no doubt upon this point.
152
May 8] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
[P.S. — Dr. Herbert Walker, who has kindly looked over the
proofs of these notes, reminds me that a further proof in favour of
^:^ being a net occurs in my El Bersheh, I, pi. VII and p. 13,
where [1 Q ^::::| is used of "netting animals."]
{b) The hieroglyphs © kh and © sep. Griffith {Hieroglyphs, p.
46-7) suggests that the alphabetic sign ® kh represents a " ball of
rush-work (?) " In the Old Kingdom it is sometimes coloured yellow,*
with horizontal reeding, but from the Middle Kingdom onwards,
green with oblique reeding. I believe it to represent the sieve or
bolter, with reed bottom, which was used for tossing up the grain
that had not been fully separated from the chaff, (See scenes
in L., D., II, 47, also II, 9 and 71.) I do not know of any
ancient example of a reed-bottomed bolter having been found
in Egypt, but it should be remembered that Pliny (ZT./V^, XVIII,
28, and XXI, 69) expressly mentions that the Egyptians used
the rush for making "sieves, for which," he says, " there can be
nothing better." In support of his supposition that the ® represents
a ball, Griffith points out that it may be connected with
® ^ khikhit a word meaning " to toss up." This equally well agrees
with the idea of the sign representing a bolter. At the present day
in Egypt, when the grain is yet mixed with the chaff, it is either laid
down in small piles upon the ground in order that the lighter
particles may be blown away by the passing breeze, or if the wind is
not strong it is winnowed. This is effected by a fellah who tosses
it up with a wooden winnowing shovel, or sometimes, though more
rarely, with a bolter or sieve with rush bottom.! The heavy grains
fall down in a heap, and the chaff floats away through the air. The
grain is then taken up from the ground, removed to the granary and
stored. Before the grain is served out to be ground, however, it
always undergoes another winnowing, and this is invariably done
with the sieve. The grain is tossed up in order that the chaff and
* It should be noted that the reed signs, which are generally coloured green
(l|, D , II , ° *j, are at Meidum coloured yellow, [j represents the inflorescence
of the reed A)-undo donax, L. ; a beautiful drawing of this plant is to be seen on
the painted pavement at Tell el Amarna (Petrie, Tell el Amarna, PI. III).
t The vannus of the Romans (= Greek Kikvov) was an instrument used for
winnowing corn. Our only information with regard to its form is derived from
the words of Servius, who calls it cribrum areale, from which we may conclude
that it was a kind of sieve.
May 8]
SOCIETV OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
[1900.
dust may be removed, and then shaken round, so that] all the
particles of earth and dirt come to the surface and may thus be
easily picked out with the fmgers.
It is possible that this sieve with the grains of wheat in it 'is
the origin of the sign © (for coloured examples see Hieroglyphs,
figs. 32 and 87), but Griffith inclines to the belief that this latter
sign represents "corn on the threshing floor" {I.e., p. 27 and 67).
It is worth remarking, however, that, as Griffith points out, © is a
word-sign for
which "often means 'what is spared' from
destruction"' — this sense can perhaps be more easily connected with
the grain that remains in the sieve when chaff and dirt have been
eliminated, than with the grain on the threshing floor.
{c) The hieroglyph T. Borchardt {A.Z., xxxv, p. 107) has
figured an early example of this sign
from an inscription in the museum of
Gizeh, and correctly explains it as the
instrument used by stone-borers for
boring stone. An interesting picture
of an artizan drilling out an alabaster
vase with this instrument is given in
the tomb of Rekhmara (fig, 4) and is
conclusive evidence as to the origin of the si^n.
Fig. 4.
154
May 8] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
A MYTHOLOGICAL-GEOGRAPHICAL TEXT.
(Pap. Paris, Bibl. nat, nr. 173.)
By Prof. Dr. A. Wiedemann.
A vast series of the old Egyptian religious texts are those called
by Deveria " Compositions mythologiques," written on papyrus and
consisting mostly of pictures ; with only relatively short explanations
in linear-hieroglyphs. Its contents are closely connected with the
Todtenbuch, chap. 148-50, which had already been greatly extended
in Theban Manuscripts. But this was not the only material used
but also other religious works, especially the Am-tuat, in a supple-
mentary way. Thus they contain the same ideas as the representa-
tions and inscriptions on the painted sarcophagi of the XXth to
the XXVth dynasties, and nearly all of them belong to the same
period. A close treatment of these mostly short texts has not yet
been undertaken, though they possess a great interest as to the
development of the Egyptian religion, and especially of the con-
ception of the Other World's topography and the demons living
there.*
There is one text belonging to this series, containing some
remarks upon earthly geography, well worth citing : it is Papyrus
nr. 173 of the Bibliothcqiie 7iatwiiale in Paris. This text shows at
first to the left the cow of Hathor, the sun-disk with the two feathers
of truth between the two horns, lifting the upper body out of the
* Also philologically the texts are not void of interest. Thus in the Pap.
r— 1 f\ ' ■ " ' " f - f\ '""" n III
Berlin 1466 of ^J [I ~*~ I U <-... ■ the suffix of the third person
plural is found written both times it occurs (each time behind the strengthened
preposition [| ^^ -;^ instead of ^^7 . Cf. the Coptic sufhx COT, Stern,
Kopt. Gr., p. 169, and for C6 I c, p. 47.
155 O
May 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCIMiOLOGY. [1900.
mountain of the West and defined as M^j /iTr^^"^-*
In front of her, but turned away, two rows of two superposed rudders
are to be seen, an ur^us-snake dangHng in front, the Osiris-crown on
the head, and behind each of them an ut'a-eye. The rudders are called
\ D ^ n o . ^■^^ . s.
once written / ) =*= ^v\ ' ^'^- ' '^^^- it ' the
J^<
local designation of the 4th is destroyed, but it was surely the east,
so that we have here the four rudders known from the Todtenhich,
148.1
To the right follows the principal picture in two registers, in
which the pictures are arranged from right to left. In the first stands
immediately on the right, of large size, the sign J covered with
pinnacles, in it [R ^ M j the name of Heliopolis, with the epithet
ornans, "the venerable." To this place a ship moves with red sails,
the prow ornamented with a long covering. In the fore part
stands \7, the inside red, covered with red balls, out of which black
lines mount, forming thus a cup containing burning and smoking
incense. Behind, a figure in long dress sits holding the rudder, the
-<2>- ° '' f] t" " " '1 ^ / -[ (3
accompanying inscriptions read ^^j /www H ^ ^^,
1
Then another pinnacled
follows, with the
inscription I ( ) Q the name of Memphis. To this a ship sails
* A r^-^ ft S was situated in the tenth Upper-Egyptian nomos, a second
corresponds to the actual Dakkeh, which was looked upon as one of the seats of
Hathor of Philoe (Leps., D. IV, 74c). A p^ Aj\ |Tq was in the oasis of
the Natron lakes. Here one might rather expect to find a form like [J ^-^ Zl "a ® >
one of the names of Denderah (c/, for these places Brugsch, DuL geogr., pp. 815,
sqq.).
t They appear also on stelas of the XVIIIth dynasty (Berlin, nr. 2066 ; publ.
Leps. D. Ill 25 bis a). The whole representation is found in similar form often
in these compositions, such p. ex. Pap. Berlin, 1458, 1459.
+ Of the woman to whom this papyrus belonged, three other ones are in the
Bibliotkcque nationale : nr. 172, of which I treated the middle part in^^^f. Zeitschr.^
1878, p. 103, and in de Morgan, Origines^ II, p. 215 ; nr. 171, with a long
invocation to different gods ; nr. 170 giving principally a version of the weighing
scene before Osiris. The four texts seem to have formed originally one papyrus,
now divided. Of the place where it was found nothing is known.
May 8] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
with red sails, formed like that taken by Naville, Todtetibuch^ PI.
CXII, from Ax- In the front part offerings, fruit and cakes, are
lying; behind the dead person is sitting "^^^^^wwaaIJ ^
/wwvA . Then follows at the top the picture of a thick centi-
pede {cf. vignette Tb. Turin, chap. i49g,h), underneath the swallow
(drawn like Naville, Tb., PL XCVIII, out of La in chap. 86)
standing on a red mountain and behind her the end of the quoted
legend ^ Q-^ . This "ship of war" seems to refer to the same
myth as the last section of Todtenbuch, chap. 149, beginning with
the following words, which are not clear, not even with the help of
U-^^-vl -^ P|rj /www
the variants put together by Naville, (j
name . V\ , in the Turin text H U <=:s:> V^® J "oh this abode
of war, driving (?) the Nile towards Busiris (?)." Important for the
explanation of these words is the sentence following later, "it is the
snake, that is in the place, originating from the source holes at
Elephantine, near the mouth (source) of the Nile, she goes with the
water, she remains at this division * of Babylon ( l^ Q^ ^s, ® )•"
The real foundation of these remarks is the fact, that according to
the Egyptian ideas f the course of the Nile, united till then, was
divided at Babylon ; | that here the Delta began. Therefore the
protecting god of the undivided Nile remained there in the form of
a snake, and did not go further downwards in the divided floods,
which could no more be looked upon as the situation of the real god
Nile.
The conclusion of the whole is formed by a large picture of the
vase of the heart, over which red dotted lines are laid. On this vase
is written, in horizontal lines: ^|V.^ ^'^ iti^ ^^
* Uar-t is a place where a canal departs. Here in the Heliopolitan Nomos,
a town seems to have also borne the name Uar, cf. for this Brugsch, Did. geogr.,
p. 141 sq.
t Wiedemann, Herodofs Zweites Buck, p. 89.
+ Cf. for the town Brugsch, Diet, geogr., p. 625 sq., and for its conjunction
by a mountain-road with Heliopolis, Stela Pianr.hi, 1. ico sq.
157 O 2
May 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.tOLOGY. [1900.
(3) ^^O-^ (4) Y^5§' that is to say, the beginning of
the chapter of the heart. This picture of the heart plays especially
in these compositions an important part ; mostly — though not just
here — it appears together with the picture of bennu — Phcenix.*
In the second register stands again to the left the pinnacled
Q, this time with the inscription n v^ -^~^, " Busiris the great."!
In the now following bark with red sail, whose prow shows the
while on the stern u is to be seen, the dead person
^ (t / >J2>(. '^ 1 is sitting holding a rudder.
dder.
In the forecastle of the ship stands as a gift I 51 5 U^ I . Then
follows a pinnacled J with the inscription 8 \ — i . In
the approaching red-sailed bark, resembling the one in Naville,
Todtenbuch, pi. 112, taken from Pe, the dead woman is sitting
/v\ww(l ^ *^^v ^^A 11' Infrontalibation-
vase with two jets of water stands as an offering. After follows the
representation of a big libation-vase with one jet of water, which is
closed by a cover rounded at the top. Behind it is to be seen
^^ , the ideogram of the god Sep, whose name is used as the
ideogram for the i8th Upper- Egyptian Nomos, the eastern Oxy-
rynchites. As the texts show, J this god was a form of Horus,
especially in his protective character, indicated here by the extended
wings. Then follows, over one lying crocodile, another one lifting
itself up in an oblique position and looking upon a pot with red
contents. This latter group is found several times in these
compositions, and also as the vignette for chap. 149 of the Todte?i-
biich (Naville, pi. 170, in the Turin-text there is an insignificant
* Wiedemann, Aeg. Zeitschr., 1878, p. 102 sq.
+ The translation of the town-name as Busiris is more probable than IMendes,
though the spelling of the names of these two places is not always the same (cf.
among others von Bergmann, Aeg. Zeitschr., 1880, p. ^T sqq.; Naville, Ahnas
el Medineh, p. 19). To think of the canal of the 22nd supplementary nomos of
Lower Egypt If 1 — t is made impossible by the determinative of a town being
used.
+ Cf. Brugsch, Dici.geogr., p. 696 sqq. and Diimichen, Gesclu Aeg., \\ 197 sq.,
where the attempt to identify this Horus with Anubis is not satisfactory.
158
May 8] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
variant. On the pot is written (I v ^ 1 , overhead the animal
^^^^jY^ .*) Finally the whole ends at the left with the largely
written signs and the smaller name underneath <=x> 1/ ,
the large mountain of the westland."t Following Maspero, Etudes
de myth., II, p. 313, sqq., there existed four places called mesent,
one in the south at Edfu, one in the north at T'alu, and the two of
east and west at Heracleopolis. Here, where the god Sep is quoted
in the immediate neighbourhood, the northern mesent, T'alu, will be
meant.
P 1 — I answers here to Nilopolis in the Heliopolitan
Nomos, which later on sometimes governed the supplementary
Nomos Nilopolires.J Its exact position has not yet been discovered,
but it appears to have been situated in the immediate vicinity of
Babylon. § Its principal temple will have been that of the Nile,|| to
which Ramses III gave large donations.^ With it we might identify
the J K "^ > which following the Serapeum-stela 4246, was
visited by the Apis.**
The papyrus we have described teaches that the dead person
had to sail to four localities to carry there offerings, the kind of which
may have its reason in the different cults of these towns. The
arrangement of the rudders appears to be connected with the
Tb. chap. cl. (Nav., p. 172, where M I Hr
is written near the corresponding pinnacled place. Cf. the god
{T6. 17, 1. 38, V. Bergmann, Sarkophag des Panehemisis I, p. 7 sq.)
t Cf. "the very high mountain in the Underworld," Tb., I49d.
% Brugsch, Diet, geogr., p. 484 sq.
§ Stela Pianchi, 1. 117, quotes a prince Pa-bas, who reigned in Babylon and
Nilopolis. Ramses III {Great Pap. Harris, PI. 29, 7) says, "I made grand
sacrifices in pa-Hapi, the nine gods, the masters of Babylon, are in festival days,"
from which Brugsch, Diet, geogr., p. 627, guessed pa-Hapi to be a part of
Babylon.
II Wiedemann, Herodofs Zweites Bttch, p. 365.
IT Great Pap. Harris, PI. 29, 37, 54 sqq.
** Cf. de Rouge, Rev. egypt, IV, p. io2> sqq. "he (the Apis) went to Heliopolis
(the nomos) being in the [J ^ ^ , which is there." Cf. Diodor., I, 85,
about this sojourn of the Apis at Nilopolis.
May 8J SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.liOLOGY. [1900.
situation, Heliopolis representing the South, Memphis the West,
Busiris the North, Babylon the East. It is curious to note that
Abydos, which used to be quoted with Busiris as the goal of the
dead persons voyage {p. ex., Tb., 100, 1. i) is wanting in this list,
though the name of the dead person points rather to a Theban
origin than one of Lower-Egypt, where the four-named places are
situated not very far from Memphis. We are here reminded of the
unhappily very short notice of Diodorus I, 96, upon the death-
voyage at Memphis with Charon's bark, over the Acherusian lake,
and so on.* In every case the text again shows how various thd
Egyptian views of the Other World were, and how differing the
people's results as soon as they tried to build a plan of that world,
m which man hoped or feared to arrive after death.
SOME IVORIES FROM ABYDOS.
17, COLLINGHAM GARDENS,
i4//z Afay, 1900.
Dear Mr. Rvlands,
In October last I acquired some interesting and curious
antiquities which were said to have come from Abydos ; amongst
them are three ivory objects, presumably intended to represent
oxen. As I have never so far had the opportunity of seeing any of a
like form, it has occurred to me that as they are probably unique,
and belong to the prehistoric period, I would send you some photo
graphs of them, which have been kindly taken by my friend,
Mr. W. L. Nash, F.S.A.
Figures of hippopotami have been found in some of the pre-
historic sites in Egypt during the past two years, carved out of a
red stone, possibly some form of jasper. Some of them have an
excrescence upon the back, as these figures have, furnished with a
notch, which I consider was for the purpose of attaching a thong to,
in order to permit the objects being worn as amulets. I only put
this theory forward as a suggestion, as I am unaware of any others
having been found. (Their length is 3^ x li and ^ inch.)
* The boatings in the fields of Aalu {Tb., chap. 1 10) belong to another
system of mythological geography.
160
Proc. Soc. Bill I. Ait/i., A/ay, 1900.
Fig. I.
Fig. 2.
^
Fig. 3.
carved ivories, in the collection of v. g. hilton price, dir.s.a.
1)0:. Soc. Bibl. Anh., May, 1900.
Fig. 4.
RECUMBENT FIGURE, IN THE COLLECTION OF F G. HILTON PRICE, DlR.S.A.
M»^:^
REAL SIZE.
RECUMBENT FIGURE, FROM SIIKKII AHD EL KURNAH, THEBES.
May. 8] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
The other specimen I send you a photograph of is, if anything,
more curious still, as it represents a human figure dressed in a long
robe, with its arms crossed on its breast, reclining upon a boat-
shaped object. I have no means of assigning it to any particular
period, but suppose it to be very early.
It is made out of steatite of ivory colour, and is also stated to
have been found at Abydos. L. 3 x | inch.
I am, dear Mr. Rylands,
Yours sincerely,
F. G. HILTON PRICE.
I send a photograph of a very similar object to fig. 4. It is
very roughly made of pottery, and was found at Shekh 'abd el-
K<irnah at Thebes. I suggest that the objects are meant for
Ushabti figures.
W. L. NASH.
NOTES.
The German expedition to Babylonia under Dr. Koldewey has
been excavating the mound called El-Qasr at Babylon, which proves
to be the palace of Nebuchadrezzar in which Alexander the Great
died. Among the antiquities found in it is a Hittite inscription,
which has been pubHshed by the German " Orient-Gesellschaft," under
the title of " Die hettische Inschrift gefunden in der Konigsburg
von Babylon am 22 August, 1899" (Hinrichs, Leipzig).
The American excavators at Niffer have been working at the
mounds to the south-west of the temple of Bel. They turn out to
have been the site of an early library. Already more than 16,000
cuneiform tablets have been discovered in them, ranged in rows on
shelves of sunbaked clay, and belonging to about 2300 B.C. The
contents of the library are multifarious, and include Sumerian
vocabularies and classified lists of characters.
A. H. S.
161
May 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1900.
neT"E.e = N6/t6ff<?.
By F. Ll. Griffith.
In late demotic we meet not uncommonly with a word /^^Oy")
tb, meaning "punish," "avenge," see II Kh., II, 13, note.* It is
evidently connected with the Eg. A 1 , w , db\ "requite," the
Coptic TOJCJoKe, "requite," GT^C, "on account of," etc.,
compare I Kh.^ IV, 20, note. We find also/' tbe, "vengeance,"
" the Avenger," e.g., Leydeti Mor., XXXIII, 9, the best instances
however being in Ktifi, XV, 2, 9, etc. : thus we read " Knowest
thou not that the gryphon {srrf) is the image (?) of god, the king (?)
of everything that is on earth, the Avenger whom no avenger
punisheth {f Tbe nt eb'r tbe \ibe\-fy ib., 11. i, 2.
Professor Erman has drawn attention recently to a name
ITeT^e, which the great Coptic monk Shenute says was the
equivalent of K^oj/ov, A.Z., 95, 47, Zoega, p. 458. This name has
hitherto baffled interpretation ; but the connexion of Kpovo9 with
vengeance (on Uranus) and with the creation of the 'Epi'ut/ve^,
suggests that IleT^e may perhaps be the above /' Tbe, " the
Avenger."
This idea becomes a certainty when we turn to a passage quoted
by Lepsius, in his Chronologie, p. 90, from the Byzantine author
Achilles Tatius, writing in the 5th — 6th century, and therefore little
later than ShenCite, who flourished in the 5th century. Speaking of
the planets he says : —
'At7i'7rT<ots fya/J *:«« ' EXXjyfft tov Kpoi'ov o ciffT)jf>, Kai toi a/navpoTarov
tov, ^aivwv Xe^/crai . «XXa Trafji" "EWrjcn fiev Kcna to cv(^rj/iov Xeryerai
0V7W, Trapa Se Af/VTnioi^' Ne/teffcais Xc/CTot acnijp . ^.cvTepo^ o A<09 Ka6'
"EWrjva^ ^aiOwv, Kfnd ce Ai'^/VTrTiov^ 'Oat'pico^ aaTt'ip, ThuS Jupiter
according to this authority was said by the Egyptians to be the star
of Osiris, Saturn the star of Nemesis.
In the New Kingdom the planet Saturn was attributed to Horus
(Br., T/ies., 65), but we do not find a deity for Jupiter. Nor do
the Ptolemaic and Roman lists give the planet-deities. But
Brugsch {/.c, p. 71) has shown that the Ptolemaic Egyptian name of
* The old and the new stories of Sctne Khamuas I refer to as I A7i., II A7i.,
respectively.
162
May 8] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
the planet Jupiter, viz., Hr-wp-sd-fwy, Hr-up-sad-taui (with many
variants of form and meaning, ^^pTTcycoT in O. C. Horosc,
V, 11), is actually attached as a title to Osiris in the very late temple
of Dendereh.
Nc/t6o-<?, IleT^e, should correspond to Horus of the New
Kingdom lists. The name of the planet in Egyptian is Hr k' p.t,
" Horus bull of heaven," or J^r-k\ " Horus the bull." Horus is the
avenger of his father, etc., and the slayer of Set, and so the character
would suit. But possibly fiefieat^ really represents Set. In the New
Kingdom lists Osiris and Set are the gods of the planets Venus and
Mercury respectively. Evidently in later- times this was quite
changed.* The dark malignant star Kpovo^ might well be connected
with Set in the last ages of Egyptian paganism. The name do is
found attached to Set in Graeco-Roman hieroglyphic (Br., Wtb.^
SifppL, 1 361).
That K/JOj/09 was identified with Geb the father of Osiris in
genealogical mythology, and in fact generally, is perhaps a matter to
be kept distinct from his planetary character as Ne/ieo-ts.f
ANCIENT EGYPTIAN MODELS OF FISH.
By W. L. Nash.
The Oxyrhynchus was one of the sacred fish of Ancient Egypt,
and as such, was not used as an article of food, at all events in the
nome in which it was more especially held sacred, called by the
* At any rate in regard to Osiris = Venus, see above ; and P.(JOA *' Horus "
in B.J\I. Copt. Pap., 523, of Crum's Catalogue, would seem to stand for
^^p-TICLjCO'T" , Jupiter (i.e., Osiris!), the other four planets being all
represented by their Greek names, T^.cJ)[p02^n"H], TI^,pHC, nKp[o-
nOCj, I cp6p JjULHC. There are signs in Jupiter = Osiris = Horus of great
confusion and inconsistency in adapting the old beliefs and names to the new
astrology and philosophies.
t Professor E. A. Gardner comments as follows : — " An association of Kronos
with the notion of vengeance or retribution is not unnatural, though direct
evidence is hard to find. The cultus of Kronos in Greece is associated with
primitive rites connected with agriculture and the growth of vegetation, and such
rites, originally magic in character, frequently acquire a mystic meaning, implying
moral or ceremonial impurity and retribution or reconciliation." See art. Kronos
in Roscher's Lexikon der gr. und r'din. Mythologie.
■ 163
May 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1900.
Greeks, the Oxyrhynchite nome. Wilkinson says he behaves it to
be the Mizdeh of Ancient Egypt. Its Arab name is Chasm el bendi,
for, hke the other fish mentioned by the ancients, it still exists in the
Nile. There are several varieties of the Oxyrhynchus. I give
illustrations of the Mormyriis caschive (figs, i and 2). The Mormyrus
kafinume has a shorter dorsal fin ; but I do not possess a model
of it.
Replying to Prof. Sayce {Ffoceedings, Feb., 1900, p. 86) I must
point out that Wilkinson's statement is, that the Lepidotus is the
" Binny " of Ancie?it Egypt. But his statement, according to all
authorities, would have been equally true if he had said Modem
Egypt. Mr. Boulenger tells me that there is no doubt whatever
that the Barbus bynni is the fish which the Arabs to this day call
the Binny, and that the Oxyrhynchus is never so called. There can
be no doubt about the fish that Wilkinson calls the Oxyrhynchus, I
reproduce his woodcut.
I did not know that
^^.^^^^^ the Oxyrhynchus was
ever eaten. I have
looked for it in the
The Oxyrliyncluia fish, la bronze.. i • 11
fish markets m all sorts
of towns in EgyjDt, but have never seen it offered for sale. Prof. Sayce
does not say to what fish the Arab proverb he quotes, is applied; is
it to the Oxyrhynchus ?
With the kind permission of Mr. Boulenger, I give reduced
reproductions of three of his large drawings from life of fish
taken from the Nile. The Barbus bynni (fig. 3), is the fish which
in Egypt is called the "Binny"; it is evidently the fish meant to
to be represented by the bronze model shown on Plate II,
Proceedings, Dec, 1899, and it is this fish that W^ilkinson
called the Lepidotus, and says was the " Binny " of the ancient
Egyptians. Figs. 4 and 5 are the Oxyrhynchus, which the models
badly imitate.
Replying to Mr. Whyte {Proceedings, March, 1900, p. 116), no
doubt he is right in attributing the bottle-shaped model, fig. 5
{Proceedings, Dec, 1899), to Roman times, but I none the less
think that it was made ih Egypt, and is meant for a Bolti.
I have two very similar specimens, one in bronze, and one in
pottery, which were found at Zagazig. With regard to the model of
the Barbus bynni, fig. 3, I do not know where it came from, but I
164
Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., May, 1900.
Fig, I.
MORMYRUS CASCHIVE, STEATITE, LENG'IH 3f IN.
Fig. 2.
MORMYRUS CASCHIVE, BRONZE, LENGTH 4 IN., IN THE COLLECTION OF
F. G. HILTON PRICE, DIR.S.A.
I
m\
K
-^
rt
«
>
<;
X
■o
o
?5
^
■^
■^
,':i
ti
^
pi
cr
CO
IT) ^ •"•
W
«
^ <
ifil^:
May 8] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
see no reason why it should not be ancient Egyptian. The
ancient Egyptians could make very fine bronze models, see, for
example, some of the Apis bulls. A few weeks ago I saw at Luxor
an equally fine model of the Barbus bynni which was found at Edfil.
THE WORD ARMAGEDDON.
Dear Mr. Rylands,
The facts relative to Yeae/mrjacwv, restated very fully by Mr.
Legge in Part 3 of Vol. XXII of the Proceedings, are well known. I
can add nothing relative to M. Halevy's reported discovery, which I
only know from Vol. I of the Revue semitiqice, edited by him. The
question is, which gods were regarded as * infernal gods ' at the
particular time to which the magic spells belong? Deities who
were not originally in the strict sense infernal gods became such l)y
a very natural confusion in the minds of later men. Nergal is the
true Pluto, but Tammuz-Adonis can be mistaken for a Pluto. No
doubt my articles in the Encyclopedia Biblica, so far as they relate
to archaeology, would have gained from Mr. Legge's evident deep
knowledge of archaeological facts. He will remember, however, that
all cannot be said, when space is limited, and that articles on
kindred topics should be taken together. My object is to infuse a
larger measure of the critical spirit into Biblical archaeology, and to
improve the basis of Biblical criticism by taking fuller account of
archaeological data. I regret that I have no time at present for
further developments of my views on Armageddon.
Yours very truly,
T. K. CHEYNE.
Rochester, yi!^«5 iiM, 1900.
ON AN ASSYRIAN LOAN-WORD IN HEBREW, AND ON
Dr. Paul Ruben has already discovered the Assyrian mindidu,
'an official concerned with the measuring of wheat' (Delitzsch, Ass.
H. W.B., 393 b), underlying the corrupt word "nl"^!^^ (Auth. Vers.,
16s
May 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1900.
and Rev. Vers., unsuitably 'thy crowned') in Nahum iii, 17, and I
have corroborated this by the discovery of the same Assyrian word
(and also oi diipsarru, 'tablet-writer') in Isaiah xxxiii, 18, where "^^D
and 7)2^!? are glosses on dupsarru and miiididii respectively, so that
we obtain the words, Q"'"!"!;^ ri^.^ Q''1p?^ n^l^^, 'Where are the
tablet-writers? where are the measuring-clerks?' See Isaiah in
Haupt's Sacred Books of the Old Testament^ Hebrew edition, p. 107.
I would now add that "^l^P in Zech. ix, 6 (rendered in E.V., 'And
a bastard shall dwell in Ashdod') is certainly the same Assyrian
loan-word mindidu, disguised by corruption. The exact meaning of
the word need not have been known to this late prophetic writer ;
it is sufificiently correct therefore to render, 'And foreign functionaries
shall dwell in Ashdod.' Thus the only O.T. passage containing
■))[72^ is Deut. xxiii, 2, and the passage to which this belongs
is most probably post-Exilic. "^?PP is in my opinion a popular
corruption of Y'^.^'7 ^^ ' °"^ °^ ^^^ people of the land ' {cf. John
vii, 49). I may add that the connection between the "Tf^?3 of M.T.
of Zech. ix, 6 and the "["^"^'52^ of M.T. of Nahum iii, 17 was sus-
pected by Willhausen, who however made no attempt to throw light
upon it.
T. K. CHEYNE.
Rochester, yii^we 12//^, 1900.
NOTES.
39, Palace Mansions,
Kensington.
i^th June, 1900.
Dear Mr. Rylands,
I have just read through Prof. Breasted's paper on " The
Monuments in the Inscriptions" (Vol. XXII, pp. 88-95), ^"^^ it may
perhaps interest him, as well as other members of this Society, to know
that Anna (Inni) whose inscription he quotes regarding the cliff-tomb of
Thothmes II was himself „ T ) ^ ^K\ I
n k jA? a <©• /Cl Aww^'^ X
0 LJ ^ ^^.^ 'gX I ) "Superintendent
Ji £^ ^' III Ji?^ <::z> r^-^^^ c^ T a^^naaa/
var.
II
of the works in the Necropolis-hill of the king." The same title
166
May 8] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
is found in several other Theban tombs, but the earliest example
that I know of occurs in the story of Sanehat {1. 303), in the passage
concerning the orders given by the king to his officials to build a
fine tomb for the aged traveller.
Prof. Breasted mentions in the same paper the aaf "flies" of
the Inscription of Amenemheb. Dr. Fritz von Bissing suggested
this rendering of the word to me early in the spring of last year
when we were together in Amenemheb's tomb at Thebes ; I then
made a facsimile of the determinative of the word and send you
herewith a copy of it / \ . All the hieroglyphs of this inscription
are coloured green, so there is no detailed colouring to help us; but
the sign, as you will see, is unmistakably a fly, and not, as was
formerly supposed, a helmet.
Very sincerely yours,
PERCY E. NEWBERRY.
Cairo,
i8//z Jiine^ 1900.
Dear Sir,
I have just received the last number of the Proc. Soc. Bib. Arch.,
and see that Dr. Breasted, on p. 94, suggests that -s.^ in the
" Amenemheb Inscription," means flies, and explains the golden
flies of the Aahhotp jewelry. He is certainly right, but it might
interest him and the readers of the Proc. Soc. Bib. Arch, to know,
that the inscription of Amenemheb at 1. 16, as well as at 1. 21 reads :
a^^ ^ j^^^ ^^ ^^ statue of Mr. Finlay. This explains the
curious hieroglyph of Ebers' copy in 1. 21. The fact was noticed by
me in 1896, and in 1898 I had the pleasure of examining the passage
again with Mr. Newberry. As regards the explanation of the golden
flies as a civil or military decoration, this has been suggested by
Mariette in his Notice des mojiinnents du musee de Boulaq, and also
by Lenormant, les premieres civilisations, I, p. 1. 246, and by many
others.
Perhaps you might call the attention of the readers of the
Pro. Soc. Bib. Arch, to the interesting fact that P. E. Newberry's
167
May 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1900.
reading khefem for ^^^ corroborates Dr. Borchardt's suggestion in
the A. Zeitschr. about the sign Q (vol. 35, 106). Both signs are of
course identical.
On p. 94 of Pro. Soc. Bib. Arch., Dr. Breasted states that in the
inscription of Hepuseneb an important confirmation of the reference
to the tomb of Tuthmose I in the inscription of Inni is found,
and that it occurred to him as well as to Prof. Sethe that the well
known shrine of Der el Bahri was perhaps mentioned in 1. 17. Dr.
Breasted always speaks, probably through a misprint, of Tuthmose I,
while in the inscription everywhere the name of Tuthmose II is
found.
Referring to the mention of the ebony shrine, it has been shown
by Spiegelberg in the last number of the Rec. des trav., Vol. XXII,
that it was erected by Thuti (Northampton stela, 1. 24).
As for the question of the name of Tuthmose II for that of
Hatshepsut, probable as it seems, I hope Mr. Newberry will tell us
more about it.
Believe me, dear Sir,
Yours very truly,
Fr. W. v. BISSING.
The next Meeting of the Society will be held at 37,
Great Russell Street, Bloomsbury, W.C, on Tuesday, 12th
June, 1900, at 4.30 p.m., when the following Paper will be
read : —
Prof. Sayce {Presideiit) : " The Fall of the Assyrian Empire."
J 68
May 8] • PROCEEDINGS. [igco.
THE FOLLCWING BOOKS ARE REQUIRED FOR THE
LIBRARY OF THE SOCIETY.
Members having duplicate copies, will confer a favour by presenting them to the
Society,
Alker, E., Die Chronologic der Bucher der Konige und ParalipomenSn im
Einklang mit der Chronologie der Aegypter, Assyrer, Babylonier und Meder.
Amelineau, Histoire du Patriarche Copte Isaac.
Contes de I'Egypte Chretienne.
La Morale Egyptienne quinze siecles avant notre ere.
Amiaud, La Legende Syriaque de Saint Alexis, I'homme de Dieu.
A., AND L. Mechineau, Tableau Compare des Ecritures Babyloniennes
et Assyriennes.
Mittheilungen aus der Sammlung der Papyrus Erzherzog Rainer. 2 parts.
Baethgen, Beitrage zur Semitischen Religionsgeshichtc. Der Gott Israels und
die Gotter der Heiden.
Blass, a. F., Eudoxi ars Astronomica qualis in Charta Aegyptiaca superest.
BoTTA, Monuments de Ninive. 5 vols., folio. 1847- 1850.
Brugsch-Bey, Geographische Inschriften Altaegyptische Dcnkmaeler. Vol.
I— III (Brugsch).
Recueil de Monuments iSgyptiens, copies sur lieux et publics pas
II. Brugsch et J. Diimichen. (4 vols., and the text by Dumichen
of vols. 3 and 4.)
Bu DINGER, M., De Colonarium quarundam Phoeniciarum primordiis cum
Hebracorum exodo conjunctis.
BuRCKHARDT, Eastern Travels.
Cassel, Paulus, Zophnet Paneach Aegyptische Deutungen
Chabas, Melanges Egyptologiqucs. Series I, III. 1862-1873
DiJMiCHEN, Historische Inschriften, &c., ist series, 1867.
2nd series, 1869.
Altaegyptische Kalender-Inschriften, 1886.
Tempel-Inschriften, 1862. 2 vols., folio.
Ebers, G., Papyrus Ebers.
Erman, Papyrus Weslcar.
Etudes iSgyptologiques. 13 vols., complete to 1880.
Gayet, E., Steles de la XII dynastic au Musee du Louvre.
Golenischeff, Die Metternichstele. Folio, 1877.
Vingt-quatre Tablettes Cappadociennes de la Collection de.
Grant-Bey, Dr., The Ancient Egyptian Religion and the Influence it exerted
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Haupt, Die Sumerischen Familiengesetze,
IIommel, Dr., Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens. 1892.
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Jastrow, M., a Fragment of the Babylonian "Dibbarra" Epic.
Jensen, Die Kosmologie der Babylonier.
Jeremias, Tyrus bis zur Zeit Nubukadnezar's Geschichtliche Skizze mit beson-
derer Berucksichtigung der Keilschriftlichen Quellen.
Joachim, II., Papyros Ebers, das Alteste Buch iiber Heilkunde.
Johns Hopkins University. Contributions to Assyriology and Comparative
Semitic Philology.
Krebs, F. , De Chnemothis nomarchi inscriptione Aegyptiaca commentatio.
Lederer, Die Biblische Zeitrechnung vom Auszuge aus Aegypten bis zum
Beginne der Babylonische Gefangenschaft mit Beriicksichtigung der Re-
sultate der Assyriologie und der Aegyptologie.
Ledrain, Les Monuments Egyptiens de la Bibliotheque Nationale.
Lef^bure, Le Mythe Osirien. 2'"« partie. "Osiris."
Legrain, G., Le Livre des Transformations. Papyrus demotique du Louvre.
Lehmann, Samassumukin Konig von Babylonien 668 v. Chr., p. xiv, 173;
47 plates.
Lepsius, Nubian Grammar, Sec, iSSo.
Maruchi, Monumenta Papyracea Aegyptia.
MiJLLER, D. H., Epigraphische Denkmaler aus Arabien.
NooFDTZiG, Israel's verblijf in Egypte bezien int licht der Egyptische out-
dekkingen.
POGNON, Les Inscriptions Babyloniennes du Wadi Brissa.
Rawlinson, Canon, 6th Ancient Monarchy.
RoBiou, Croyances de I'figypte a I'epoque des Pyramides.
Recherches sur le Calendrier en Egypte et sur le chronologic des Lagides.
Sainte Marie, Mission a Carthage.
Sarzec, Decouvertes en Chaldee.
Schaeffer, Commentationes de papyro medicinali Lipsiensi.
SCHOUW, Charta papyracea graece scripta Musei Borgiani Velitris.
Schroeder, Die Phonizische Sprache.
Strauss and Torney, Der Altagyptische Gotterglaube.
Virey, p., Quelques Observations sur I'Episode d'Aristee, a propos d'un
Monument Egyptien.
VissER, I., Hebreeuwsche Archaeologie. Utrecht, 1891.
Walther, J., Les Decouvertes de Nineve et de Babylone au point de vue
biblique. Lausanne, 1890.
WiLCKEN, M., Actenstiicke aus der Konigl. Bank zu Theben.
WiLTZKE, De Biblische Simson der Agyptische Horus-Ra.
WiNCKLER, Hugo, Der Thontafelfund von El Amarna. Vols. I and II.
Textbuch-Keilinschriftliches zum Alten Testament.
Weissleach, F. II., Die Achaemeniden Inschriften Zweiter Art.
Wesseley, C, Die Pariser Papyri des Fundes von El Fajum.
Zeitsch. der Deutschen Morgenl. Gesellsch., Vol. XX to Vol. XXXII, 1866
to 1878.
ZiMMERN, H., Die Assyriologie als Hulfswissenschaft liir das Studium des Alten
Testaments.
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VOL. XXII. THIRTIETH SESSION.
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PAGE
Pkof. Sayce {President). — The Language of Mitanni 171-220
Prof. Sayce. — Additional Note to Memoir on the Language of
Mitanni 221-225
Dr. 1\L Gaster. — Hebrew Illuminated MSS. of the Bible of the
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PROCEEDINGS
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THIRTIETH SESSION, 1900.
Fifth Meeting, \2tJi June, 1900.
Prof. SAYCE, President,
IN THE CHAIR.
-^C^-
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[No. CLXix.] 169 p
June 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1900.
From the Author : — Oscar von Lemm. Eine dem Dionysius
Areopagita Zugeschriebene Schrift in Koptischer Sprache.
Acad. Imp. des Sciences de St. Petersbourg. V. Serie. XII.
No. 3. Fol. Menz. 1900.
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Thanks were returned for this Communication.
170
June 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
THE LANGUAGE OF MITANNL*
By Prof. A. H. Sayce, LL.D., &c., &c.
The discovery of the Tel el-Amarna tablets revealed to us the
existence of a new language, once spoken in northern Mesopotamia
in the kingdom of Mitanni, the Aram-Naharaim of the Old
Testament. One of the letters addressed by Dusratta, king of
Mitanni, to the Egyptian Pharaohs is in the native language of his
country, and its length is such that a comparison of it with those
of his letters which are written in Assyrian makes a partial
decipherment of it possible. Shortly after the publication of the
cuneiform text by Winckler and Abel in the Miitheilimgen aus den
orientalischen Sammlungen (I, No. 27), attempts at the decipherment
of the language by Prof. Brlinnow, Prof. Jensen, and myself, appeared
simultaneously in the Zeitschrift fiir Assyriologie,V , 2, 3 (1890).
Where two or all of us agreed, the meaning of a Mitannian word or
grammatical form may be regarded as ascertained ; the same may
be said of the cases in which the translations offered by one of us
have been accepted by the others.
The cuneiform text has recently been subjected to a very careful
re-examination by Dr. Knudtzon, and the result of his labours is
given in the Beitrdge zur semitischen Sprachwissenschaft, IV. pp. 134-
153. The publication of this corrected text made me turn once
more to the question of Mitannian deciphennent, and I had already
advanced, as I believed, some way in it, when I read Prof. Jensen"s
article on the same subject in the Zeitschrift fiir Assyriologie (XIV
i) for 1899. In this he gives the results of his latest researches
* Since this Paper was sent to the printer I have received Dr. L.
Messerschmidt's " Mitanni-Studien " {Mittheilungen der Vorderasiatischen
Geselhchaft, 1899, 4). I have not yet had time to read it, but Dr.
Messerschmidt's article on the Hittite inscriptions has shown that he possesses all
the qualifications of a decipherer. Where, therefore, we are independently in
agreement, our translations may be accepted with confidence.
17T P 2
JiNE 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGV. [1900.
into the Mitannian language, based upon Knudtzon's text, and in
several instances I found that we had independently arrived at the
same conclusions. The saying that "out of the mouth of two
witnesses shall every truth be established,"holds good of decipherment
as of other things, and our agreement therefore is an encouragement
to further work.
Eleven years ago Prof. Briinnovv and myself agreed in pointing
out that in certain instances a suffixed -n denoted the copulative
conjunction. It was also clear that the termination -s denoted the
nominative of the noun, -?i the accusative, and a simple vowel an
oblique case. I also pointed out that tissan represents the Assyrian
danni's, " very," that atta-ippi signifies " father," and amviatippi
"grandfather," while attCxrtippi is "ancestor," and senippi "brother."
I further showed that the infixed vowel -^/- represented the possessive
pronoun of the first person, as in senippi-u-s, " my brother,"
dubsarrippi-u-s, " my secretary," and that certain w'ords had been
borrowed from Assyrian : diibsarri, " scribe," dubbe, " letter," Ed-
sarri, " Ea the king." Other points on which the decipherers were
agreed were that passi-dkhippi signified " messenger," passi ox passu,
"to send," and enippi, "god," and that -ena was a plural suffix.
Before the publication of my article, I had shown in the Academy
that as in the Assyrian lexical tablets ene and Tessiib were stated
respectively to mean "deity" and the "Air-god" in the language
of Suri or Su, while we found both words with the same meanings
in the letter of Dusratta, it follows that by the language of Su the
Assyrian lexicographers meant the language of Mitanni, Besides
ene and Tessub other words are mentioned in the lexical tablets as
belonging to the language of Su. These are (i) Ciraklu, for which
we should probably read zdrakhi, and zalkhu, " lead," Assn. a?iaku
(W.A.L, V, 29. 42, 43) ; (2) khdrali, "a door" {W.A.I., II, 23, 2\c) ;
{l) namallum, "a bed" (W.A.L, II, 23, 631:); (4) pitqu, "son"
(W.A.L, II, 30, 48^)— the word niprii which follows is probably
Assyrian;* (5) sarnie or sarve, "a forest" (W..A.I., II, 23, 57^);
ulnu, "oil" (W.A.L, V, 28, 28); (6) Zizanu, "the god Nin-ip "
(W.A.L, II, 57, 41^; (7) . . . n (?)-//, "the god Nergal " (W.A.L,
V, 46, 24^); (8) Saus\_kas\ "the goddess Istar " (K. 2100, II, 4).
Of these pitqu looks as if it came fn;m some Semitic dialect
rather than from the non-Semilic Mitannian, and nainalluni has
* But perhaps it is to be id(.ntified with the iiapri-Uan mentioned below.
172
June 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
received an Assyrian termination even if it is not actually of Assyrian
origin. It may, however, be from a stem nam with the Mitannian
suffix -lla.
Other Mitannian words are to be discovered in the Tel el-Amarna
tablets. In one of the letters of Dusratta one of his envoys is called
Tunip-ipri (71?// el-Amarua Tablets in the British Museum^ 9, 47),
" the king of Tunip." This raises a presumption that the power of
Mitanni extended as far as Tunip, the modern Tennib, and that the
Mitannian language was spoken there. The presumption is con-
firmed by a letter sent to the Pharaoh by the people of Tunip in
which the native words added to the Assyrian translation, where the
latter did not seem quite clear or literal enough, all belong to the
language of Mitanni. Thus Thothmes III is called amniati-pi-ta,
" thy forefather " (or better " to thy forefather ") {Tell el-Amarna, &=€.,
41, 8), and laberute-su, "his elders,'' is glossed ammati (1. 11),
Both the word itself and its suffixes occur repeatedly in the Mitan-
nian letter of Dusratta. In line 9 naprillati is given as the native
equivalent of 21 D.P. mutd-sji, " and his priests " ; the Assyrian
words are explained by a parallel passage in Tell el-Amarna Tablets,
36, RaK 7.
A Mitannian dialect must also have been spoken in Nukhasse,
the Anaugas of the Egyptian texts, since in a letter from that dis-
trict ( Winckler and Abel, 143, 11) zuzi-la-man is given as the native
equivalent of the Assyrian u pani-sjinu tsabat, " and take their faces,"
"accept them." In the same letter (1. 15) the Hittite soldiers are
called lupakku.
In the Mitannian letter of Dusratta itself the meaning of a few
words and forms is cleared up by the ideographs attached to them.
In this way I was able to show in my former Paper that -ena was a
plural suffix. It was not, however, the only plural form, the ideograph
of plurality (mes) being attached to the following words : attartippi-a-s
MES, I, 8 ; AN-MES eennasus, I, 78, IV, 117; an-mes enippi-sus, II, 76 ;
tipie mes, I, 80; ni'ili mes (= kir-kir-mes), III, 113, 118: nmhii
MES, III, 26 ; uminna mes, IV, 124; tipienaii'ES, I, 99, 108, II, 80,
III, 53, 56; tasena mes, I, ^2> ; passidkhena mes, III, 26; diippa-
Mskhena mes, II, 21, 29 ; sii-alla-man mes, I, 108 ; an-mes enippi-
alla-n, IV, 64 ; an-mes eni-lla-n, IV, 65 ; ihninippi . . anna-man mes,
II, 17 ; atiartippira mes, IV, 98. The ziizi-la-vian of the letter from
Nukhasse is parallel to sii-alla-man and tni-lla-71.
In his Paper in the Zeitschrift fiir Assyriologie, Prof. Jensen had
173
JL-NE 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL AKCH/EOLOGY. [1900.
shown that khiarukhkhc or khirickhkhe must signify " gold."* It is
noticeable that the termination is the same as that of drakhi or
zalkhu, "lead," and that it is also attached to the word sitmi-
bcrukhkhe " (made) of ivory," from the Assyrian sinni-piri (III, 97).
Jensen also pointed out that sa/a meant " daughter," from which it
followed that asti was " wife," and ela, " sister." Another discovery
of his was that ipris signified "king." We agreed in the interpreta-
tion of the word ih/ie or umini. I had suggested " provinces" as its
signification when in the plural number ; he made it clear that it
meant " land."
I must now pass on to the list of words and forms he has given
in his recent Paper in the Zeiischrifi, noting where I had indepen-
dently come to the same conclusion as himself in regard to their
meanings, and also where I should propose another rendering for
them. In all other cases it must be understood that I accept his
interpretation.
He has adopted the signification I had assigned to the verb
gulu, " to say," as well as the explanation of the suffix -u as denoting
the first personal pronoun. Accordingly he makes gulu-sa, "he
said," and gulu-sa-u^ " I said," as I had already done. He also
agrees with me in making -dma and -/a terminations of the third
person singular. He has, however, mistaken the nature of the suffix
-J>z or -{t)ppi, which really denotes that the noun to which it is
attached is used absolutely, and which may therefore be termed the
suffix of definition. Thus in IV, 64, 65, we have an-mes aii-ppi-
alla-n . . . an-mes hii-lla-n scn-ippi-u-eiia, " and the gods . . . and
the gods of my brother." Consequently in passidkki-p, inipi,
atfaipi, " thy messenger," "thy (?) god," " thy father," Prof. Jensen
is wrong in seeing the possessive pronoun in the suffix//. It is the
vowel / (^passidkh-ip, atia-ipi) which represents it, as we shall see
further on. On the other hand, I believe he is right in making -epi
(as in fadiikarcpi) the first person of a verb, but if so, we should
probably read the character // as iva and connect the suffix with the
pronominal -u.
He is certainly right, moreover, in seeing in ae an adverbial end-
ing, as in the words tettnae, tiintpafae, and 7iir2isae, to which he gives
the meanings of " much," " often," and " quickly."t He is also
right in seeing in ari an imperative ("send"), and in his explana-
* Or rather " of gold," "golden."
t Nirusae is rather " early," nini-patac, " soon," tcunae, " for ever."
174
June 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
tion of the compound form gipanu-sau-ssena, "give-I-them." But
aru-san-sse7ie-pi is " sent-I-belonging-to-it," not " sent-I-it-to-thee,"
where the sufifix agrees with that of the object fiikhare-pi, " belong-
ing to the dowry."
I now come to the Professor's Hst of words, (i) Ar, he says,
means "to send" things, and /a^ "to send" persons. But III, 11,
undu-man sen-ippi-u-en asti aru-sau, " and when I sent the wife of my
brother," shows that ar is equally used of persons. I had indepen-
dently assigned the meaning of "sending," to the root ar; the
meaning of pas, or rather passi, was already given in my former
paper. (2) Anzafuikh, tat and tadu-kari, all alike mean "to love."
As to tat and tadu-kari, I had independently arrived at the same
conclusion, except that I should make the compound tadu-kari,
"be friendly to," rather than "love." Anzannu-khu is rather "to
cause to rejoice," from the simple anzanni^ "joy " (II, 66), as in III,
49-52 : sen-ippi-ta-)iian tipi sukku gulli sen-ippi-u-ssa-n khase-n
senippen attarti-ippi-ta-n tissanna-man atizanim-khu-sati tata-raskae
anamnia-n anzannfi-khi-saii gulli-man lallhiin, " and to thy brother
speak a favourable word, and let my brother consider (or hear) his
brother, and to thy forefather(s) greatly also have I caused joy with
marks of affection, and thus have I caused joy through mutual
mtercourse." (3) Ailan, Jensen makes "then." Perhaps it is rather
"how," "that." At all events we find ai-tan in II, 90, and the
word has the same pronominal origin as ai-in which I believe to
mean "now." (4) Anammi or ananuna, "so," "thus." This must
undoubtedly be its signification. (5) Gipdmc, " to give." This again
is an interpretation at which I had independently arrived. (6)
Katille-ta, " he said." The signification thus assigned by Prof.
Jensen to the word is verified by IV, 21, 27, where katilli-fa
interchanges with gule-ta. Perhaps " repeated " would be more
exact. (7) Khas, " speak " or " write." The word, however, cannot
mean either the one or the other. I long hesitated between the
meanings of "hear" and "see," "consider," and at the outset
preferred the first in consequence of passages like III, 49, quoted
above, and IV, 5,6, where k]iasu-saii-n7ia-)i is coupled with gulu-sa-
tta-n, but finally came to the conclusion that it signified "to see."
(8) Khil, "ask." This is certainly right. (9) Nakkas, " pure " or
good." The interpretation of this word is very doubtful ; it seems
to be an epithet of "gold " {e.g., Ill, 103). (10) Nikhari, "dowry."
Prof. Jensen is again clearly right in the meaning he assigns to this
175
June 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1900.
word. (11) ^(zr, "to wish." I had independently given the same
signification to this root; it is, indeed, necessitated by III, i, sen-
ippi-u-ssa-7i asti sarn-sa D.P [^//-] zir-re\pif\ pas\sii-si\ "and my
brother wished an Egyptian wife to be sent to him." (12) Tan,
"take." This is incorrect. Tanu means "to make" not "to take."
Thus we have I, 105, tipctia tanu-sd-ssena, "words made-he-them " ;
III, 106, Inwmriassd-n, ZA-\.ku-si tanii-sa, "and Immurias made
that image." (13) Uadiiranna, "more." I had supposed that
uadiiranna signified " in place of," but Prof. Jensen's interpretation
is evidently the correct one. With uaduramia the verb iidirru must
be connected in III, 53 : tipena tanii-sd-sse?ia udirrii-sd-n}ia-lla-jnan
isa-lldfi stikka-nnc-lla-inan, " words he made and added to them in
return favourable ones." (14) Ufidu, "when." This is borrowed
from Assyrian. Dusratta uses the word several times in his Assyrian
letters.
I must now pass on to the results of my own investigations.
And first as to grammar. The Mitannian language was highly
agglutinative, and had the power of attaching suffixes one to
another to an amazing extent. As in Basque, the pronouns could
be suffixed one after the other to the verbal forms, the whole com-
pound coalescing and contracting into a single word. It is noticeable
that the complicated verbal forms of Georgian seem to have arisen
in this w^ay. Like the inflectional languages, however, the Mitannian
required that grammatical concord should be represented outwardly,
words that were in agreement with one another terminating in the
same suffixes. As I stated in my former paper, the verb and noun
were scarcely differentiated from each other ; many of their suffixes
were the same, and a gerundial form is frequently used where we
should expect a verbal tense.
The simplest form of the declension is represented by the nomi-
native in -j-, accusative in -n, and oblique case in -/, -e or -«, perhaps
also in -%c. When the copulative conjunction -n was attached to the
nominative or accusative, a was inserted between it and the case,
ending. Sometimes the -71 of the accusative was dropped, when the
substantive was in what the Semitic grammarians would call the
construct case, or when an adjective with the accusative termination
was in agreement with it. Thus we find (III, 11) undii-77ian se7t-
ippi-u-en asti aru-sau,"^ now \si\\Qn I sent my brother's wife." Nor
was the accusative suffix attached to the suffix -tppi, -ppi, -pi or -/.
Like the nominative -s{a), the accusative could be lengthened into
176
June 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
-;m, e.g., senippi-u-s 2X\.2iX\vi^'^\-\\-x\x\2i khiriikhkhae irniikhu-si-avia, "my
brother had asked my grandfather for gold " (III, 66), and in
Ikhihe-ni (I, 86) it apparently has the form of -7ii.
I have already given the name of suffix of definition to the
suffix -//. It defined and, as it were, individualised a substantive or
adjective, and denoted that it was used absolutely. The suffix was
one of the commonest in Mitannian, and in the case of certain
words like sen-ippi, " brother," it seems to have become almost
inseparable. In fact it denoted a special brother in contrast to the
class of brothers generally.
The vocative was the simple form of the noun, without the
terminations of the nominative or accusative. Thus senippi is
" O brother."
The suffixes by which other relations of the noun were expressed
were numerous. The dative was represented by -A?, e.g., sen-ippi-ta-
man tipi sukku guUi, " now to thy brother speak a favourable
word" (III, 49). Another relation which it is not easy to define
was denoted by the suffixes -//a and -///, to which the conjunctive
particles -n and -man were frequently attached. As zuzi-la-mati in
the Nukhasse letter means " and accept them " the double suffix
must sometimes at least represent a plural. This is confirmed by
the iiapri-lla-n "and his priests" of the letter from Tunip. In
Mitannian the double suffix not unfrequently takes the place of the
nominative singular ; thus we have Manes Gi\J)ia-Ila-7i katillita,
" Manes and Gilias repeated" (IV, 21), Gilias Mane-Iia-n-gtilidma,
" Gilias and Manes had said" (IV, 26), fi\_p^ena-fi istatii-ppi-sa
Tt'ssiipas Ainanu-l\_la-?i'\ fa\ji^iisd-sse}ia, " and the words which (?)
Tessupas and Amon made " (II, 65). On the other hand in sua-lla-
ma?i, " many times," it has a plural signification. I' am on the
whole therefore inclined to assign to it a comitative or conjunctive
meaning. It is sometimes combined with the suffix -// which bears
the same relation to -ia that -/// bears to -lla, e.g., anammi-ti-lla-n
Tessupas Sauskas Aindnu-ti-ld-n . . . enna-siis, " and similarly to
thee (?) may Tessupas and Sauskas with thy (?) Amon ... all the
gods (love thee)" (I, 76-78), Tessupas Auicinu-ti-lld-n iprippi-sus
atfa-ippi-sus, " Tessupas with thy (?) Amon our (?) kiniis, our (?)
fathers "(IV, 118). In I, 109, we find the ioxm. tdni-llc-ta-Ua-7nan
Uom tanu, "to make." Here the compound suffix is attached to
the same verbal form as that which we have in kati-Ui-ta, " they (or
he) repeated." In III, 18, it seems to have the same force as in the
177
Ji-NE 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII/IiOLOGY. 1900.
ziizt-laman of the Nukhasse letter : gipaiiu-sau-Ua-ma7i pire-ta-llan
scfiippi-ii-s, "and I gave them and my brother received them " ; see
also IV, 39, senippi-u-Ua-7i pirc-ta, "and my brother received them,"
where the Hteral translation would be : " and-my-brother-them he
received." In I, 71, we read Mane-lla-man passidkhipi-u-s pirii-sa-
Ua-man, " Manes my messenger received." The two last examples
show^ that the form in -Ua-n (or -lla-man) takes the place of the
nominative when the plural " them " is the object of the verb.
Another noun suffix is -ku, as in urukkii (II, 10 1), accusative
iirukkun (II, 95). In III, 45, it seems to have the force of a
passive participle, aiin ullui elartippi-u-ena-sc-inma-inaii tiikhari-a-se
dubhias dubbukku, " now to me (?) letters about the dowry of my
eldest sister were written." On the other hand APanetina-inaii
niannukku dlu-fnbu-sse may signify " Manes as myself I treat him "
(II, 91), in which case the passage in III, 45 would mean "thy
letters were as my letters." By the side of -ku we also find -ki, as
in tadukdru-si-kki, "thou wilt love him" (II, 79). Another suffix
was -ra which, is combined with -la \n Mane-ra-/a-n {\l, 116) and
with -mail in \seTi\-ippi-rd-nia7i (IV, in), while the ideograph of
plurality is attached to it in attarti-ppi-ra (IV, 98).
The oblique case appears sometimes with final -e, sometimes
with final -a, a difference of sense existing between the two vowel
terminations which I have not been able to seize. Thus we have
khiarukhkhe nakkase in III, 103, and khiarnkhkha nakkassa in
III, 106. Similarly by the side of the adverbial iiuia-vie-nin
(III, 21), we find in the next line inna-ind-nin (III, 22). Perhaps
tlic meaning of the passage in which the two latter words occurs is :
iindu-man vina-nie-fiin sen-ippi-ti-e asti inictta mna-7iid-nin wJt-ippi-ta
t'lkhami-lletfa, " and when on my side I had selected (?) a wife for
my brother, on thy side she brought a gift to my brother."
The various forms of the plural have already been noticed. Of
these the most common is that terminating in -ena, which corresponds
with the termination of the accusative singular, just as the forms
atfarti-ppi-a-s, " thy forefathers," and enippi-sus,'-'- the gods," correspond
with the nominative singular. It will be noticed that in many cases
— e.g., in attartippi-a-s, eni-lla-71, su-alla-77ia7i, and the oblique imi/ii
and ia7U7ma, — unless the two latter are from a stem ?//;// — there is no
distinction between the singular and plural. The suffix -si/-s seems
to be the word sti, "many," of which I shall speak further on.
Besides what may be more strictly called case suffixes, there were
178
June 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
also adverbial suffixes which, however, could be attached to pronouns,
verbs and even adverbs as well as to nouns. One of these is the
copulative conjunction -n. Another is the conjiuiction -man, which
interchanges with -« {e.g.. Ill, i, or IV, 45, compared with III, 49),*
and may be translated "also." It is possible that -man was
pronounced -wan, and had the same root as -(a)n. Another
adverbial suffix is -(i)mma, which is frequently combined with -man.
Thus we have ihm'ne-mma-man (I, 20), manni-mma-man (I, 16),
parallel with manna-lla-man (I, 8), Simigi-tie-pi-nc-mma-man (I, 94).
In gipa7i'ctd-mma-man (III, 62), it is attached to the verbal form
gipancta, "he gave." I fancy the suffix has properly some such
signification as "at this time," "in this place," but manna-lla-man
and manni-mma-man seem to be used interchangeably in the sense
of "mine."t
There are other suffixes common to nouns and verbs, which are
formative rather than casual. Among these is -k/ia in emanam-
kha, "interchange" (IV, 32), which is also attached to verbal forms
(III, 16, 86, 95, 96), and is possibly related to the causative -khu
(as in anza?imi-kht{, "I caused to rejoice"). |
There are no genders; thus enij>pi is at once "god" and
" goddess " (see III, 98).
The adjective may either precede or follow its substantive. The
most frequent adjectival suffix is -7ii or -ne ; e.g., senippi-u-ene,
" belonging to my brother " (IV, 25), Masri-d-ni, " Egyptian " (I, 10 ;
II, 69. )§ This is often combined with the suffix -pi; e.g., Simigine-pi-ne
"(the city) of the god Simiginis " (I, 86), Masri-d-ne-pi (II, 71),
scnippi-u-ene-pi (IV, 44). The suffix -pi frequently stands alone as in
Simigine-pi eiiipi, "the god Simiginis" (I, 105), Alizirre-pi-ne-s ipris,
" the king of Egypt" (II, 85). The adjectival -/// may be contracted
into the form of the accusative in -n, when it agrees with a suffixless
accusative ; thus we have senippi-u-e7i asti, " my brother's wife " (III,
11), by the side of sefiippi-Ji-e asti (III, 21), where senippi-u-e is in
* So tisa-man (IV, 32) for the usual tissaii. See also II, 68, 69 : I^Inriu-
ukhen ti\i)iini\ Masridni-indn ihnini, " the land of jNIitanni and the land of
Egypt."
+ The ?uffix is the same as the verbal suffix -ma, the doubling of the in merely
denoting that the accent falls on the preceding vowel.
X The plural is found in diippa-kuskhena, II, 21. Cp. silakh-itskha, IV, 66.
§ In III, 117, Afdsri-d-uiii IS a plural.
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June 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1900.
the genitive or oblique case. The form in ;// is used preferably with
the plural; thus we have iipi sukkii, "a favourable word" (III, 49),
but sukka-}inc-IIa-})ian passikhippi, "favourable messages" (III, 54).
Another adjectival sufifix seems to have been s as in nakkase, nakkassa
(III, 103, 77, 106), Sankkarra-sa-7ii-ji, "belonging to Shinar " or
Babylonia. Cf. also Masr/-a-?ina-sa (IV, 10^), e/arfippi-ii-enase-m/zia-
man nikhari-ase dubbias, " letters about the dowry of my eldest sister."
The pronouns of the first, second and third persons, when suffixed
to other words, are represented by ?/, / or e, and si or se, plural sena,
"them," Thus we have sen-ippi-u-s, "my brother," sen-ippi-ii-e, "of
my brother ," passitkhippi-u-s,^'' my messenger," passifkk/pjdi-u-fa (I, 53),
"to my messenger," aru-sa-t^, '' I sent," tata-u, " I loved " (I, 75);
sen-ippi-ta (for sen-ippi-i-ta) ; "to thy brother" (III, 8, 49); enipi
aita-l-pi, "the god thy father" (I, 87) ; tatia-ssa,^'-\\e loves her" (III,
91), gipanii-sa-sse," he gave it " (III, 68), dubbe khillu-si-tta-n Mane-ta,
"a letter to Manes, asking for it also" (I, 18); gipanu-sa-ssena, "he
gave them " (I, 22) ; dubbe nikharrepi aru-sau-ssetie-pl, ■' letters about
the dowry I sent them" (III, 41). Besides /, a also appears as
representative of the second person ; e.g., atta-ippa, " to thy father '
(III, 52). But this may be a contraction for atta-ippi-a. On the
other hand we have salap-an, "thy daughter" (I, 51), which seems
to stand for sala-p-a-n, and attarti-ppi-a-s (I, 8), which can hardly
be anything else than "thy forefathers," as well as sen-a-pi-s (I, 84).
In the verb, however, -a represents the third person, not only in the
case of -sa (e.g., gulu-sa) but also in that of -ia, e.g., scuippi-n-s
kadii-sd-ssena ur-id-ssena, "my brother devised (?) and wrote them"
(IV, 31); senippi-u-s tat-ia, "my brother loved" (I, 74). It will be
noticed that the possessive pronoun is intercalated between the stem
of the noun and the case ending.
The first personal pronoun is uya, as in iiya-man senippi-s, " I am
thy brother" (IV, 57), and u-lior u-le, means "to me " in IV, 53, 55.
By the side of the suffixed forms of the personal pronouns there
are also independent forms. One of these is i?iann{a), in regard to
which I have long hesitated as to whether it means "myself or
" himself." I have, however, finally inclined to the belief that it
denotes the first person. Thus w^e have judnnd-fi khilli, " and ask
me" (I, 84), Tadukhepan mdnni Dusrattd-pi . . . sdla, "Tadukhepn,
the daughter of me, Dusratta " (III, 103). Mdna (I, 73) seems to
be " to me," and we also find maima-lla-man (" mine"), vianni-vima-
inan, manna-fla-uKxii (III, 63), and viaiuiu-kku (II, 91, Manenna-man
180
June 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
vmniiu-kkn dlu-inbu-sse, "■ Manes as myself I treat him " (?)* The
second person appears to be represented at times by -ta{-te) ; at least,
we have tata-sti-te-n, "may (the gods) love thee" (I, 78), parallel
with agu-kara-sti-en, " may he honour him " (II, 86).
In the last instance we have en (or -n) denoting the third person.
Elsewhere we get other examples of the same form, e.g., khasu-sau-
nfia-n, "and I saw it" (IV, 6), udirrn-sa-nna-lla-mim, "adding
thereunto " (III, 53), rt/7/-j'rt;//-;2, "I sent her" (III, 2), aku-sd-iini,
"he brought it away" (II, 60), kati-kku-mii, "I will utter it "or
"them" (IV, 2), khillu-si-kku-mii, "I will ask it" (IV, 4), and the
complicated tanu-sl-pi-alld-yini (JlN , 10), But the usual form of the
third person is si or se, plural sena.
The suffixed form of the first person seems at times to be used
independently with affixes. At all events it is difficult to assign any
other signification than that of " to me" to the word u-llni in senip-
n-ss-an ullui tipi-ippi siikku tdiiasti-en, " may my brother make a
favourable word to me" (III, 75) ; aiin ulhii elartippi-u-end-se-mma-
man nikhari-d-se dubbi-a-s, " now to me letters about the dowry of
my eldest sister (?) " (III. 44, 45), So, too, we have senippi-u-ssa-n
nnnni SH-a-nna-man puklusti-en fiUd-ii {'iminna su-a-Ua-inan (III, 24,
25), which appears to mean "and may my brother. . . all his lands
and all my lands " ; senippi-u-d-lla-n gipdnu-sau-ssena gipdnu-sau-lla-
vian pire-td-lldn semppi-n-s undlau (III, 17-19) "and to my brother
I gave them, and what I gave my brother received from me."t
The verb has two stems, one in -//, the other in -/ (or -6'). In the
imperative and infinitive we usually find the stem in -// e.g., an
"send" (I, 51); giilli, "speak" (II, 12); sue, "multiply" (I, 69);
khilli, "ask" (I, 84) ; guUi-maii, " the speaking" (III, 51). In the
aorist the stem in -7/ is used. The aorist is characterised by -sa in
the third person singular, sau in the first person ; gulu-sa, " he said "
(I, 83) ; arn-sau, " I sent " (III, 11).
With the pluperfect, the perfect, and the present, on the other
hand, the stem in -/ is employed. Thus we have gfdi-dma, " he had
said " (IV, 21) ; passi-d-ina, " he had sent " (IV, 55) ; gipane-ta, "he
has given " (II, 54) ; gulc-ta, " they have said " (IV, 27) ; tdtia, " he
loves" (1,74); urid-ssena, "he writes them" (IV, 31). The first
person singular of the present, however, changes the -/ of the stem
* If inann{a) is really the third person, manna-Ua-inan would probably mean.
" from that time," " of old," and inaimi-niiiia-maii., " at that time," " then."
t Cf. also n-li (II, 79), and iiya-man (IV^ 57), which signifies " I (am)," and
may be compared with siya (I, 92).
June 12] SOCIETV OF BIBLICAL ARCH.-EOLOGY. [1900.
into -a ; e.g., iata-u, " I love," by the side of faii-a, " he loves " (I,
75). The pluperfect seems to be the present with the suffix -//la,
which we find elsewhere, as in arii-ma-ssii-khikha, " what I had
sent" (?) (Ill, 13). We may compare nru-inu, " the writing " (IV, 47);
pikhm-mvie, " alliance " (?) (IV, 1 1 1), The suffix -ta of the perfect,
it will be noted, serves equally to denote singular and plural ; in
7inc-tta, "I selected" (?) (Ill, 21), it also represents the first person
singular. For the relation of the perfect to the aorist, see III, 18.
In gipanil-sn-sse, "I gave it" (III, 69), su seems to be a con-
traction of sau. On the other hand gilii-s-ii-a in I, 89 must be : " he
to me . . ." like ninu-s-u-a in IV 7. Urau-sa-ssenn-man in I, 80 is
probably " I-write-to-him-them-also."
The precative is expressed by the suffix -sti. Thus we find
tata-sti-ten, "may (the gods) love thee" (I, 78); Manoma-nian
senippi-u-s ngu-kara-sti-eu, "may my brother honour Manes" (II,
86). Tana-sta-u in I, 44 is possibly " may I make," while gipd?iu-lt7-
std-sscua in III, 59 expresses the plural " may they give them." I
believe that iddfi-sta-inan seiiippi-ta in III, 2, 3, means " and mayest
thou be satisfied with thy brother." The third person singular of
the imperative is often represented by the suffix -en ; thus we find
passien, "let him send" (IV, 54, 57), where, however, we may
translate " send him," taking passi as the second person of the im-
perative. But we can hardly translate senippi-u-s gipanu-en (III, 74)
otherwise than " let my brother give."
l>ut as I said in my former Paper, the verb in Mitannian has
hardly been differentiated from the noun, and consequently the
same suffixes are found with both. A large number of verbal forms
are simple gerunds, and the suffixes which we have met with in the
nouns occur again in the verbs. -Sa and -ta, -si and -fiare common to
both, like the suffixes -i/a-n and -lla-man, -Hi, -kk, &c. Thus we have
gipaim-sau-lla-man pire-ta-lla-Jiian {\\\, 18); kkillu-si-tta-n Mafie-ta,
"and to Manes asking him" (II, 18, 19); khillu-si-s, nominative ot
the participle (IV, 14) ; khillu-si-kku-tini (IV, 11); khasd-si-lld-ini-lian
(IV, 23); tdmi-si-kka-ttd-n (II, 5); subi-dma-sti-eni-tan (III, 88).*
* What is the exact force of si in some of these verbal forms I do not know.
It must be distinguished from the infixed or affixed third personal pronoun which
sometimes takes the form of si. The suffix li (or le) in kati-le-pi (IV, 18) seems
to give the meaning of " I utter in return," " I reply," " I speak with (you),"
though it may be only the form of the first person of the perfect. Perhaps aril-si
in II, 7 is an imperative ; but passii-{si^ in III, i, is certainly an infinitive (if
the reading is correct).
182
June 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
The sufifix -khu, attached to the stem or root, seems to give it a
causative sense, as in anzannu-khu, " I caused to rejoice " ; whereas
k/ia seems to be a relative, " whom " or " what." We meet ^\i\\
the latter suffix in a series of curious forms in -mbu; arfi-si-mbu-s-kha,
"whom I sent (to him) " (III, 16) ; saru-si-mbu-nmt-khkha^ "whom
he desired " (?) (HI, 86) ; ?iakhu-lli-mbi1,'SSti-kha (III, 96) ; uri-uibit-
ssn-khkha-iiian, " for which I wrote" (III, 95). For dlu-mbii-sse^ " I
treat (?) him" (II, 91), see above. Khe, it must be noticed, is the
termination of the word for " gold," khiarukhkhe, and is also
attached to the adjectival form of the borrowed Assyrian word for
" ivory " {sinniberii-khkhe) ; while we find -k/ia in hnanamkha, " inter-
change " (IV, 32).
Dubbii-kku hi III, 45 seems to be used passively, "were written."
But it may be a substantive dubb-ti-kkii, "as my letter." CL piri-
kku-nni (III, 9), which may be a first person singular of the future
tense, as is certainly the case with kati-kkii-nni, " I will utter it "
(IV, 2), and viannu-kka-lla-n imu-kka-la-n, "when I have taken"
(IV, 2,3). We have the second person singular m IV, 16, 17,
tipi-a-lld-n surpi senippi-ta kaiikki, '' and thy corresponding words to
thy brother thou shalt utter."
Adverbs and particles. ^M-dSiy adverbs end in -ae, which is really
the termination of the oblique case of the noun (so khirukhkhae,
III, 66). Among them may be mentioned iata-raskae, " from
affection " (III, 53). It may be only an accident that the second
part of the compound has the same ending as the name of the
Mitannian Istar, the goddess Sati-skas.
Other adverbs are formed by the suffixes -{a))i, -{(i)u)ia, and
-alla-nian ; e.g., tissan, " exceedingly" ; uadurauna {tiaduranni-maii) ,
" more " ; suallaniaii, "often." In ai-lan and ai-tan as well as eta-hiii,
" how " (IV, 45), we have other noun suffixes. Another adverbial
suffix is -///, as in ai-in, " now," or -nin^ as in ati-mn* This is com-
bined with -/lie and -ma in the adverbs mna-vie-niti, " on my side " (?)
(Ill, 21); inna-ma-nin., "on his side" (?) (II, 14, III, 22); cf.
inu-vie-nin (I, 13, 75), and le-me-nin (II, 62).! It is further com-
* Atinin appears to mean " as " ; atinin manni-tnma-iiian, " as mine " (I,
16). We find atinin tasen (I, 90) ; atinin Simigine-pi-ne-nima-man (I, 94),
atinin inanna-lla-vian {1, 109); atinin senipp-^-n, "as thy brother" (11,93);
atinin untinippi-d-n, " as thy land " (II, 97).
t /;??/ may have the same root as inna. By the side of inil-inenin, "on thy
part," we have inii-ttd-jiin, " on thy part" (II, 74, 75). Inil-n in III, 3, seems
to signify " now " or " then." As for inna, innd-juma-nian is found in IV, no.
18.-.
June 12] SOCIETY OF T5IBLICAL ARCILEOLOGV. [1900.
bined with -Hi' and -Ua in ia-lle-nin, ''mutually"; ia-ila-nifi,
"together" (III, 52, 55), where we have the same unexplained
difference in the vowel ic and a) that I have already drawn attention
to in the case of the noun. We find the same alternation o^ e and a
in te-mc-iiin (II, 62), le-manm (IV, 27), and ia->/ii/ia-iiia?i (IV, iS),
by the side of which the plural i-efid-ma-?iin also occurs (IV, 21).*
The pronominal root /- must be included among the adverbs, as
it occurs only in an adverbial use. We find i-d-71 (III, 5, 6), i-a-lan
and i-a-ii-lati (II, 92, 73, 74), l-ti-ta-lla-juan (II, 94), i-mma-man
(II, 98, 10 1, where, however, / may denote the 2nd pers, pron.,
pazi-mnn i-mma-ma7i piru-sau-sse, being "thy embassy I received "),
i-iwinii-mma-7nan (II, 99, perhaps " our," that is " thou + I ").
The obhque case ie is found in I, 54 and the accusative 'i-n (? " what ")
in III, 48, as well as i-e-7i in II, 79),
Another pronominal adverb is etita, for which I can suggest no
better translation than that of " aforesaid " proposed in my former
Paper. The stem is found with other suffixes in etis {\\\ 122), etie
and etippi-u-e (IV, 22), etUa-nna-vian (III, 46), etippi-sa (II, 80).
Pe-pi efi-pi (III, 55) probably means " on that day."
Ai-in " now," and ai-la)i, " how," give us a stem ai which we also
find in die (III, 28),! ai-manin, "as," "that" (III, in).
Connected with pe-pi^ "day" \% pessa-)i, which in III, 66-68 is
correlated with issina-n, and must signify " so now," issina-7i being
" as formerly." In III, 3 we have pesse-nin with the adverbial
termination -nin.
Other adverbs are a)iti, " thus," to which the sufifixes of the noun
are sometimes attached, like anti-lla-71, and a7ia/7i7/ia or a7ia7/iim\
" accordingly," which can be combined with suffixes in the same
way. An-ii and an-aiiima seem to have the same root.
A common adverb of time is imdu, " when," to which not only
the particles -71 and -;;/«// can be attached, but even the accusative
suffix, as in 7i7idu-n Ma7ie7t7ia7i (IV, 35), unless, indeed, here also
the termination is really the copulative conjunction -71. Another
adverb in -u is guru, " again," which may be the infinitive of a verb.
The two copulative conjunctions -71 and -//ia7t have already been
noticed. Ma7i may best be translated " also," while the adverbial
suffix -77i;7ia with which it is frequently associated appears to have
the sense of here," like ^e in the Greek o(<.
* I-a-iue-nUi (? " since 011 my pari ") occurs in III, 91.
t Unless aic is a different word altogether.
184
June 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
In spite, however of these numerous copulative particles, nouns
and verbs are coupled together -without any conjunction being
inserted between them, e.g., ainmatippi-u-s atta-ippi-ii-s, " my grand-
father (and) my father" (III, 58).
Little can be said about Mitannian syntax beyond the general
fact that it resembles in its main features that of the inflectional lan-
guages. Words in agreement with one another have the same
sufifixes attached to them, the agreement extending to the verbal
forms and even to the adverbs. The language is postfixal, and the
affixes can be attached one to another to a remarkable extent. Even
independent words can become suffixes, e.g. \atfa7'\tippi-ra tatau-
ssena-su-ra, "I love thy forefathers, all of them" (I, 71), where su,
" all," is used as a formative suffix. As in the inflectional languages,
the adjective can either follow or precede its substantive.
For the gerundival construction, dubbe ara-nne-?ii-la-n . . . khase-
ni-lla-n, " letters having been sent . . . when I had seen them "
(III, 39, 40), see below. Here -ni is the adjectival suffix, ara-ntte
("sendings") a verbal noun agreeing with dubbe and -llci-n, the
plural " they " or " them."
Vocabulary.
In addition to the words in regard to the signification of which
Prof. Jensen and myself are in accord, there are some others whose
meaning, I believe, can be fixed. Tipi, pi. tipe and tipcnuy means
" word," as I pointed out in my former Paper. This follows from
the discovery of the meaning of gtilu^ since tipi gulli (II, 12), for
example, must signify " speak a word," tipi anti giilusa (I, 83), " he
spoke a word as follows." The meaning of the adverb anti is
indicated at the same time.
The meaning of the root su, " much," is shown by a com-
parison of the numerous passages in which it is found, e.g., IV, 30,
7indu-man t-a-lle-imi tipcna su-a-lla-man senippi-u-s kadu-sa-ssena nria-
ssetia, " and since my brother has devised (?) and writes words
(many times, i.e.) often to one another " ; senippi-u-s dube\-na-7nan'\
su-a-lla-man gipa?tu-sd-ssena, " my brother has often given letters "
(II, 20) ; mninna-sa su-ani-a-sa-mma-man, " all countries " (II, 96) ;
AZAG-Gi su-a-ssena, " much gold " (II, 60) ; sueni tipcna, " many
words" (I, 73). The first of these passages illustrates the use of
185 Q
June 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1900.
i-a-lle-m'?i and uri ■. wherever they are found, and the sense of the
context is clear, the significations which best suit them are those of
" mutually " and "to write." The signification of the verb emauCwiu
is fixed by III, ^a^, passi-khippi hna7iamu-saui-a-lla-nin, "messages I
interchanged together " ; see also IV, 30, cmanavi-kha tami-saii,
"interchange I made."
Three verbs which are associated closely together (as in IV, 23)
Sixe khas, pal znd tirkh. li khas means "to see," " consider," /«/
ought to mean "to hear," and III, 40, 42, seems to show definitely
that khas is " to see." Urkh, as will appear later on, must signify
" to understand," or "know." In IV, 45, 46, we hviwe senippi-c/iua-Ji
etita-nna-nian . . . pali-a-md-sse-7?iati uriikku, "and he had heard
the aforesaid thing belonging to thy brother, as it was written."
I also hesitated long over gum, which introduces sentences,
thinking at first that it might be " behold." But a comparison of
passages finally made it evident that only " again " would suit them
all; see, for example. III, 39. In I, 45, we find giin'i-\sa\, "he
repeated " (?) ; cf. also gurnpi (IV, 42).
Another word of which it is difficult to fix the meaning \s pir{ii).
In my former Paper I translated it " to send." This, however, is
certainly not its signification, and the meaning which best suits all
the passages in which it occurs is " to receive," "to be present at."
But I do not see what is its force in the compound \;ord piratariippi
(11, 27).
Makan?ia must signify "present"; see II, 54, viakan7ii-ppi-{'Mma
gipane-ta, "he gave a present to me," III, '^Z, ammatippi-u-s atta-
ippi-u-s atta-ipp-a pepi maka7uia gipa7iu-lu-sta-ssetia, " my grand-
father (and) my father to thy father then gave presents."
Fikhru is associated with tadfikaru (e.g., in IV, in), and must
therefore have a similar meaning. I should propose for it that of
" friendship."
Dundn must also signify something of the same sort, see I,
15, 17, and III, in, where diirube takes the place of dubbe,
" letters."
Isas is shown by I, 75 to mean "in return," "in turn" ("the
kheniii my brother loves, the kJi., O brother, in return I love ").
We find isass-an in I, 69, and isa-llan in III, 54.
The best way of obtaining further light on the vocabulary and
grammar of the Mitannian language will be, first to translate and
comment on a few passages of which a consecutive rendering can be
186
June 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
given, and then to go through the letter of Dusratta line by line,
noting such new words and forms as can be explained or illustrated.
I. (83) Giliassa-n passi-dkhippi-u-s tipi anti guM-sa
Afid Gilias viy messenger a tvord thus said :
(84) manna-n khilli sen-a-pi-sa-n Nimmurias (85)
' And me ask, and thy brother N.
Mizirre-pi-ni-s ipris tase apli tanu-sa
the Egyptian king kind?iess (?) ... has done,
(86) D.P. Ikhibeni D.P. Simigine-pi-ne-man
the city of Ikhib the city of the god Simiginis
unA-sa (87) D.P. Simigine-pi-man eni-pi atta-
he has taken (?), Simiginis the god thy
i-pi akil-sa (88) attarti-pi-na-man su-a-lla-man
father he has brought away , of thy forefathers often
tasena (89) tissan tissan gilA-s-u-a zarra-man
the kindnesses (?) very much he has . . to me ; ...
senabbe (90) D.P. umini siA-si atinin
of thy brothers (?) the country ... as (?)
tasen iddtl-s-ta (91) sen-a-pa-n*
the kindness (?) mayest thou be pleased, and of thy b?-other
etie-mma-man taseni-pi piri-ta
as aforesaid (?) the kindnesses (?) \ t i r received
sia irkamil-sa-man tissan Gilias
do thou return (?) ; and has recoufited much G.
tasene-pi (93) " iddummi mana-n
the kindnesses (?) zvith pleasure {saying), ' ajid me
* Comp. I, 51. sdla-p-a-n \as\ti-ppi-it-iina ari, "and send thy sister as a wife
to me."
187 Q 2
June 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.ILOLOGV. [1900.
khilli nubenina-n kharri-en (94) nazu-sa atinin D.P,
ask : and ... . . he has ... as (?)
Simigine-pi-ne-mma-man (95) ammfi-sa sapAkha-tta-n
belonging to the god Simigi?iis he has . . . , and for thy . . .
tissan atinin (96) tankin kadu-sa i-a-Ua-nin
greatly as (?) 7aas wished he has devised ; mutually
(97) senippi-u-ne-pi D.P. t^mini-pi eruskinna
of my brother the countries friendly (?)
(98) eti[ta] tana-ssena i-a-Ue-nin (99) senippi-u-s
as aforesaid (?) make them ; mutually my brother
tasenepi etita tipena (100) eruskinna
the kindnesses as aforesaid {and) the words friendly (?)
tanvl-sa-ssena antillan (loi) D.P. Simigi[nis] D.P.
he has made them thus : may Simiginis
Amanti-lan D.P. Ea-sarri-ne-lla-n (102) senippi-u-a
with Anion and Ea the king, of my brother
D.P. ilmini-pi-a-lla-n etita khutanna (103) benti-en
of the lands as aforesaid ... ...
irsa-lla-n sekharna-lla-n (i°4) i-a-lla-nin
desiring the?n (?) and helping them ; mutually
senippi-u-s tasene-pi etita (105) tipena
7ny brother the kind7iesse% (?) as aforesaid {and) the words
tan{i-sa-ssena D.P. Simigine-pi enipi (106) atta-i-pi
has jnade them for Simiginis the god thy father
etita antillan D.P. Simiginis areta
as aforesaid ; thus Simiginis has sent
(107) senippi-u-a senippi-u-lla-n tisanna (108) uria-ssena
to my brother, and viy brother much writes
1 88
June 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
(109) tani-lle-ta-Ua-n atinin
making: them like
tipena
su-a-lla-man
wo?-ds
often
manna-
-11a-
•man.*
mine.
Line 91 seems to show that tase must have some such meaning
as " kindness " or " favour," but it is unfortunate that the signification
of what is a key-word of the whole paragraph should still be so
obscure.
Unit-sa might also mean "he has built"; but in III, 21, we
have 2indn-inan inna-menin senippi-ii-e asti Jitie-tta, "and when on
my side I selected (?) my brother's wife," and in II, 66, the adverbial
unil-tnenin is conjoined with aftzmitti, "joy." Unu-sta-mdn in II,
[lo, throws no light on the word, owing to the mutilation of the
passage.
The meaning of akii-sa is settled by II, 60, azag-gi siiassena
an-zii-galla aM-sa-?mi, " much gold (and) the a. which lie has
brought away."
In attarti-pi-?id-man I am doubtful whether the second personal
pronoun is to be looked for in the t of attarti or the a of the plural
adjectival suffix -mX or in both.
For tissan tissafi, the da?inis daiinis of the Assyrian letters, see
my former Paper.
For gilil-s-tc-a, some meaning like " he acknowledged to me," is
required. But the proper names Gilu-Khepa (? " Servant of the
* If tase really means " acts of kindness " or " favours," the translation of the
whole paragraph could be somewhat as follows : "And Gilias my messenger
spoke words as follows : ' Ask me, how that thy brother Nimmurias king of
Egypt has done an act of kindness (?)...; he took Ikhibe the city of the god
Simiginis, and carried away Simiginis thy paternal god, and the many acts of
kindness (?) of thy forefathers he indeed recorded to me (?) and
these acts of kindness (?) of thy brother I have received . . ,' And Gilias
described fully tlie acts of kindness (?) with pleasure (?) (saying) : 'Ask me, how,
that he and he devised for thy . . . indeed as was wished.' Mutually
make my brother's lands friendly (?) as aforesaid (?) ; mutually my brother has
done acts of kindness (?) as aforesaid and made friendly (?) words, and so may
Simiginis and Anion and Ea-sarri of my brother's lands, as aforesaid (?), bestow
a blessing (?), with desire (?) and help(?). Mutually my brother has done these
acts of kindness (?) and made (these) words for Simiginis thy paternal god as
aforesaid, and so Simiginis has sent to my brother, and my brother indeed
writes, often making words as I also do."
189
June 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1900.
god Khepa,") and Gilias (? " Thy servant ") would make me give
the root the signification of " ministering."
Sen-a-hhe must be connected with sen-ippi, "brother," but I
cannot explain the form. For bbe = ppi see III, 69, where we have
atta-i-bbe-ni-ta-n for atta-ippi-Tie-ta-n.
Sin must be a verb, perhaps connected with sini, " to return," in
III, 40.
The exact meaning of the adverb atinin is uncertain. If manna-
lla-man in 1. 109 signifies "mine," it would represent the particle
" as " ; cp. I, 8 \ati7i\in manna-Ua-inan attartlppi-a-s, " as mine (so)
thy forefathers." But in II, 12-14, we have: senippi-ia-man tipi
siikku gidli se7tippi-u-ss-ana khasien atinin Manen-an senippi-u-\e\
passitkhi ii-na ijina-ma-nin nikhari akii ..." and to thy brother
speak a favourable word, and let my brother see ati7iin Manes also
the messenger of my brother on his side bringing to me the dowry
from thee," where the sense would rather seem to require, " consider
this and Manes."* Cp. also III, 59. In IV, 120, we find
ati-nianiji.
For iddusta see III, 11, imdu-maji senippi-n-eii asti aru-smc idd{i-
sta-7iian se7iippi-ia, " and when I sent the wife of my brother —
and mayest thou be pleased with thy brother — ."
For irkam7i see I, 48, where Knudtzon reads \irka77i'\u-sa-77ia7i
animatippi\2i\-e7iita7i, "he recounted to my grandfathers ..."
The root of a77i77tu-sa seems to be that of aiiniia-ti, " elders."
Ta7iki7i is written taki in IV, 58, se7iippi-ii-e-/iia/i asti a7i7ii ari'i-
san-sse taki-7)ia7i a7iti 7/ia7ini, " and I sent accordingly (?) the wife of
my brother, and thus it was my wish " ; in line 60 the spelling is
tciTtki.
For kadn-sa see IV, 30, 31, U7idu-7/ia7i i-a-llc-7ti7i tipaia su-a-lla-
77ia7i se7iippi-u-s kadn-sa-sse7ia urid-sse7ia, "and since my brother has
often devised (?) words together (and) writes them."
U77ii7ii-pi-a-lla-7i inline 102 agrees with A77ia7iu-la7i and Ea-snrri-
ne-lla-7i^ the a after pi being the second personal pronoun, as in
attariippi-a-s, " thy forefathers," and the -Ha-zi denoting the plural
suffix.
The plural khutanni-ppi-a-s occurs in IV, 116, in conjunction
with sekhar7ii-ppi-a-s, but the place of irsa is taken by sarillitta,
"desired." Can irsa be another form of sa-ri? Sekhar has the
same root as sekh7-7i-s, for which see IV, 1 19.
* Perhaps we should translale : " see how (it is) and Manes."
190
June 12]
PROCEEDINGS,
[1900.
The precative benti-eii may be connected with ben\ji'\itpi-u-s in
II, 78, but it more probably is to be identified with the stem of
bete-ste-tta (III, 29), n being omitted before the dental as in taki for
tankin.
The grammatical construction of the last sentence seems to be
that of a sort of ablative absolute : " and my brother indeed — he
writes words often — having made them." Tani-lle-ta-lla-n is a
compound of the perfect tense tanillc-ta^ and the suffixes la and «,
tanille itself being a derivative conjugation in -He, like sari-lli-tta
quoted above, and -lla-ii representing the plural suffix " them,"
Aldnna-lla-man is literally "myself-them," i.e., "(as) I [make]
them." The use of the word here explains its composition elsewhere.
III. (35) undu-man atta-ippi-u-en sala eli-ppi
And when of my father^ s daughter, the sister
mane-mma-man (36) dubbe dubbi-man nikhari-pi
of myself, letter after letter about the dowry.,
mane-mma-man dubbe (37) ammati-ppi-u-en
(viz^ from myself letters {and) of my grandfather'' s
sala atta-ippi-u-e ela (38) mane-mma-man
daughter, of my faher the sister, from myself
dubbe dubbi-man nikhari-pi mane-mma-man
letter after letter about the dowry, [vis.) from myself
(39) guru dubbe ara-nne-ni-lan senippi-u-s
again letters having been sent, my brother
dubbi - a - s (40)
sinia - sena - mma - man
{thy ?) letters
returns them,
khase-ni-Ua-n
sii-pi-man dubbe
and when I had seen them
many letters
(41) nikharre-pi aril-sau-ssene-pi aia-nne-nna-man
about the dowry I sent them, and the sending
{42) senippi-u-s khasenna-n.
let my brother consider it.
191
June 12]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY.
[1900.
Arranne-7ii-lan is a gerundive like khasc-ni-llan, the plain
English of the sentence being : " And when letter after letter, even
letters from me had been sent about the dowry of my father's
daughter, my sister, and letter after letter, even letters from me,
about the dowry of my grandfather's daughter, my aunt, my brother
sent letters in reply." In duhbi-a-as the infixed pronoun would seem
more naturally to be "his " than "thy" ; perhaps, however, it is not
the pronoun at all, but a suffix like that in Masrt-d-?ini, " Egyptian,"
or su-a-ssgna, " many."
The context gives us the sense of the verb sin-ia, and appears to
settle the meaning of the verb /:/ias. In fact the only other signifi-
cation /c/ias could have here would be that of "reading," and this is
excluded by other passages like II, 13 (where indeed " hear " would
seem the most natural rendering), and II, 7, where Gilian Maneiina-n
khasii-sau can only be " I have seen Gilias and Manes."
III. (49) senippi-ta-man tipi
And to thy brother a word
senippi-u-ssa-n khasien
and let my brother consider
sukku
favourable
gulli
speak.
(50) senippe-n
thy brother,
attarti-ppi-tan
and to thy forefathers
tissanna-man
greatly
anzannukhu-sau
/ have given joy
(51) tata-raskae anam-man anzannilkhu-sau
from affection, and so I have caused to give joy
gulli-man
the speaking
(52)
i-a-lle-nin
together
D.P.
Artatamas
A.
anmiatippi-u-s atta-i-pa (53) etita tipena
my grandfather to thy father as aforesaid (J) words
tanil-sa-ssena
made- them
udirru-sa-nna-lla-man
a}id as he added to them
(54) isa-llan
in return
sukka-nne-lla-man
favourable ones
passi-khippi
7nessa^es
emanamu-sau
/ interchans:ed
(55) i-a-lla-nin guru atta-ippi-u-s pepi etipi (56) tipena
together. Again my father on day that words
192
June 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
tanfi-sa-ssena anti-lla-n sukka-nne-lla-man
made, similarly (adding) favourable ones ;
(57) passi-khippi isa-s emanamu-sau i-a-lla-nin
messages in return I interchanged together.
(58) ammati-ppi-u-s atta-ippi-u-s atta-i-pa
My grandfather {and) my father to thy father
pe-pi makanna gipanu-lu-sta-ssena.
OJi the day presents gave.
We should have expected sukkn-pi in hne 49 ; in II, 70,
and IV, 52, we have suka used adverbially — "let my brother send
Manes kindly."
Tdtaraskae is a compound of lata, "to love," and in III, 107,
we read, " (Immurias) has given gold to Dusratta {iataraskae) in a
friendly way," " as a mark of affection."
In line 55 eti-pi nwisl clearly be the demonstrative, which throws
light on the form eti-ta.
lallanin would more naturally be here interpreted " with thee,"
but its use elsewhere forbids our doing this. Why we should have
ialle-nin in line 52, and ialla-nin in lines 55 and 58 is hard to ex-
plain. It will be noticed that as the adverb a7iti takes the suffixes
lla-man, the verb is omitted.
Gipanu-lu is a compound, though whether the second part of it
is hi or tilit it is impossible to say. Another compound of /// is
khisiikhu-lu-khu (I, no). See note on IV, 60.
I will now run through the whole letter line byline, noting words
and forms upon which light may be thrown, and which I have not
mentioned before : —
Column I, line S, must read: \atini\i ma?ina-lla-man attartippi-a-s
"as mine, so your ancestors." Mdnna-la-7nan is literally " myself-
them-also."
II. As I remarked in my former paper, the spelling of the proper
name Murpi-u-khe-ni-e-pi-na by the side of Mur-ru-2i-khe-ni-e-pi in
line 14, shows that ■*^y>-//must sometimes have the value of tv. I
still adhere to the belief that Murrukhe is the Urrakhi-nas of Tiglath-
pileser I.
15. Durubinni IS the accusative of a noun which seems to mean
"alliance," or something similar : see III, 114, 116, 118, 121.
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June 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1900.
19. Tifd/Wcarie is the participle, "loving Murrukhe" {Mur-^v-u-
khe-e-en).
44. Tanu-sta-au, " may I make," the present of the precative.
47. Read: giiru al\ta-ipp{\<i-e Suttarnd-pi sala, "again, the
daughter of Suttarna, my father."
51. Salapa-n patippi-finna ari appears to be : " Send thy daughter
as my consort." In IV, 33, pad must be a preposition, tisd-inafi
scnippi-u-e sukkanne?i pati tipaien khisnkhiippi asthi senippi-u-e aru-
san^ " indeed in accordance with my brother's favourable words ... a
wife to my brother I sent." The compound 7iiru-patae also is an
adverb, which Prof. Jensen would render " often," but which is
rather " soon." We find also dubbupata and paldu-pdie, III, 48.
The meaning is " likeness," " accordance," see note on IV, 33.
63. Su-a-nna-man probably has the same meaning as su-a-Ua-man^
" many times." The termination is the same as that of tissan{na),
" indeed," and tiadiiranna., " more," which in I, 65, appears as icadii-
ranni-man. They really are accusatives used adverbially.
67. Sn-sa, " has multiplied."
69. Isass-dn ?ndna siieni sue a?iii\ " and in return multiply (it)
much to me thus." The reference is to the kheimi, of which in
line 65 it is said : " O brother [cause] it to be sent, and more [than
before send it]."
(71) [Attar]tippi-ra tatau-ssena-su-ra Mane-lla-man
Thy ancestors I love them all, and Manes
(72) passitkhipi-u-s pirQ-sa-lla-n (73) mana sueni
my messenger having received them for me }?iany
tipena tanu-sau-ssena.
words I made.
In tdtau-ssena-su-ra su, " many," is attached to the verb as it is
to the substantive in cnippi-su-s, " gods."
Mane-lla-man is literally " Manes-them {i.e. the khen?ii) -also."
Firfi-sa-lldn is the third person singular of the aorist with the
plural suffix referring to the khenni.
74, 75. The adverbs inu-tid-nm and inu-mc-nin must clearly
mean " on thy (part my brother loves the khenni), on my (part,
O brother, I love the kh.)" thus establishing the equivalence of ta
and me with the second and first personal pronouns. Perhaps we
194
June 12] PROCEEDINGS. [igoo.
should read we instead of vie. In III, 3, iim-ji must mean either
*'now " or "then."
76. What is the exact force of the sufifiix // in \a\nammi-ti-Ud-fi,
Amanu-ii-la-n, I cannot say. We find it again in IV, 11 7-1 2 2 {slne-
ti-Ua-maji, Amaiiu-tUIa-n, vianna-ti-lla-maji, &c.) In the letter
from Dunip amma-ti denotes the plural "elders," ammati-pi the
singular " forefather." The sense of the present passage seems to
be: "therefore may Tessupas (and) Sauskas, along with Amon,
Siniginis (and) Ea-sarri (love thee)."
78. Tisi-a-sa-n is evidently from the same root as tissan, and we
should naturally expect it to be an epithet of en-a-sus, " the great
gods." But in this case the final -n would be inexplicable. I should
therefore render it " (the gods) who magnify him " (or " it "). For
the form cp. istani-a-sa (III, no).*
80. Ura-u-sa-ssena-man ti_pe, " he writes-to-me-them-also even
words." But it is possible that instead of u representing the infixed
first pers. pronoun, we have a present tense with the affixed third
pers. pronouns singular and plural, " I write-to-him-them."
81. I can off'er no explanation of istani-ppi-sa which here follows
pikhrunnen, "friendship," as in II, 65, it ioWm?, fipena, "words."
It occurs again in III, 108, IV, 122, 123, and in III, no, istani-a-sa
is in agreement with umhii-ppi-a-s, "thy lands" {cf. II, 70). In
II, 80, etippi-sa takes the place ol istanippi-sa after tipena.\
Aggtis agua means, I believe, " friend to friend." In II, 86, we
have the compound agfi-kara-sti-en, "may he honour him," the
second element in the verb being the same as in tadu-karie,^^io
love," and in IV, 123, aggus-an ague. It is doubtful whether
aggutan in II, 61, is the same word, as it may be the aqqdti o^ \\\&
Assyrian letters of Dusratta.
no. \i khisukhu means "likeness," we might translate //}^i?«^-//
senippi khisukhu-lu-khu, " I have replied in similar words, O brother."
Surdt/ia, like surama-sti-en^ is from su, "much," and answers to
the kabbadti of the Assyrian letters of Dusratta. For benta see
above, note on I, 103. In I, 45, we read benna-n dumnieii,
"blessing (?) (and) friendship (?) " (see II, 59).
Tisias-an may however be used adverbially in the sense of " excessively."
t The meaning that would best suit ista-n-ippi-sa in all the passages in which
it occurs would be " thine," " what is thine" ; but how is this to be extracted
from the word ? " Words of friendship with thee (?) as friend to friend as afore-
said (?) mayest thou make very soon." It is possible, however, that etippi-sa in
II, 80, means " like these " ; in this case istanippi-sa would be " like ..."
June 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.-EOLOGY. [1900.
I-a-ttaman is from the same pronominal stem as i-a-lhinin, and
may therefore signify " to one another."
For itta, see IV, 53.
114. Passi-itkhip for passi-itkhippi, perhaps because the next
word began with a vowel.
Col. II.
(4) Senippi-u-s sur-ama-Ua-n (5) tissan
My brother had viagnified them greatly ;
benta i-a-tta-man tanu-si-kka-tta-n
a Messing (?) to thee (?) they (?) zvill make
(6) senippi-u-ene-pi asti-pi inna-manin (7) Gilia-n
my brother 's wife on her side (?). Gilias
Manenna-n khasil-sau itta-ssa.
and Manes I have seeti with her (?).
10. We must notice the suffixes of senippi-ti-e-7iemi-iikhkha
tisann-ukhkha. The sufifix in sini-l>erukhkhe?ia, "of ivory" (II, 59),
denotes an adjective.
18. P'lratartippi seems to be a compound of//A-and atiartippi^
but the signification is obscure. Perhaps it signifies " family."
Duppa-ssena ought to be their "letters."
(12) Senippi-ta-man tipi sukku gulli
And to thy brother zuords fatwirable speak,
senippi-u-ssana (13) khasi-en atinin Manena-n
a?id viay my brother see how it is (?) a7id Manes
senippi-u-[e] (14) passitkhi una inna-manin
my brother s messenger to me (?) on his part (?)
nikhari akil ... (15) uaduranni-man senippi-u-s
the dowry bringing^ and more my brother
makannippi ... (16) gipan{i-sa-sse.
presents has given.
29. Diipu-si, "written" or "despatched."
196
June 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
52. Efina-su-s Jtakki-d-il-pi-en, "may the gods treat me well."
The second element in the compound nakki-du is found elsewhere,
but its signification is unknown to me. Cp. en?ta-su-s nakki-t-en,
" may the gods treat thee well " (IV, 117).
18-22. Diibbe khillu-si-tta-n Mane-ta t-a-Uenin senippi-u-s dube-
\naman\ su-allamaji gipaml-sa-ssena i-a-llenifi djippa-hiskhena sit-
alla??iaji sem'ppi-\_u-s\ gipanu-sa-ssena, " and to Manes, asking for
letters between us my brother often gave letters (and) between us
my brother often gave papyrus-letters (?)." The meaning I have
attached to the compound duppa-kuskh-ena is purely hypothetical,
but it may possibly correspond with the Assyrian livii.
56. Anammi-lla-7i undu saiippi-ta gulu-sau pa/i-[fa], " that when
I spoke to a brother, he should hear." This seems to fix the
meaning of the root pa/. Anainmi-lla-n would be more literally
" and with the result."
57. Undii-vian Maneftfia-matt senippi-u-e passit\khippi\ It will
be noticed that the accusative Manenna takes the same adverbial
suffix as iindic. Does this mean that it is governed by taidu ? I do
not see otherwise what is the construction.
58. Agii-kara-sti-en, " may he honour him"; for the compound
see above, line 81. Dube-na\-maii\ dumni isikhkhena sin-si niberiikh-
khena . . . azag-gi su-a-ssena anzugalla akii-sa-nni inu-pi\-na ?'\-mn,
"letters of friendship (?) and isikhkhena of ivory . . . much gold
(and) anzugalla he brought away on his part (?)." Anzugalla is,
I believe, borrowed from Assyrian. Perhaps it is the precious
stone AN-ZA-GUL of the Tel el-Amarna tablets. If the reading were
certain, inii-pi-na-ni7t would represent the third person of the adverb
of which iniVmenin and inu-ta-nin are the first and second.
61. \i a7isii-a-\ina\-tan is the same word as mansi'i-tillan (I, 77),
we should have proof that 7n is sometimes to be read w. But II
54, inclines me to read andii-ama-ttan.
65. Read Aina.nu-\lla-7i'\: "And Tessupas with Amon made
words."
68, 6g. Mur-tv-u-khe-eft {i\jnini'\ APasri-a-ni-man iemhii anii-ta-ni-
lla[fi\, "■ the land of Mitanni and the land of Egypt." Here -man is
evidently the copulative conjunction -n. With anu-lani-lla-[n]
comp. anu-a-man (I, no). The second element in the compound
is tci7i, " to make."
71, 72. 'R.&3.d Masri-d-nne-pi\u\minne-pi ip\rinn-'\i senippi-c-nna-n
Miinvuklie-7iep 7'i\77i\i7mc-pi ip\ri7m'\i, " the king of Egypt and thy
197
June 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.^IOLOGY. [1900.
brother the king of Mitanni." The suffix -// is used because the two
countries have aheady been named in the previous sentence.
73, 74. Notice the contrast of i-a-lan and i-a-ti-lan.
75. Tipena talamena, "interpreting words."
76. Us {})-ta?iu-sfa, "may (the gods) make . . ," must be a com-
pound tanu and tis (?).
77. En?iippi-\_a\se-ji Tessubbe Amanue, "and thy gods T. (and)
A."(?) ; -se appears to be the obhque case of the plural.
78. Bennitppi-ii-s. " my benefactors " (?).
(82) Ta[n]in
May he make to my
{lljla
(83) uminna
sCi-allaman
'0 my
country
ofteti
(84)
sukka-nne-pi-a-n
tipi-pi-a-n
favourable
words
senippi-u-[s-an]
(eve ft) my brother
etitan [s]e[n]ippi-[u-sa]-man (85) tadu-karre
as aforesaid, arid, O my brother, love {me)
atinin manna-tta-man.
as I {love) thee.
With tadu-karre atinin \7r1\annattama71 comp. Ill, 65, anammi-
tta-man iadu-karri'-pi atinin manna-t\ta\-man, " and so I love thee as
myself."
87. Dubb-u-nni, " my letter." Arii-si, " the sending of it," like
passu-si (III, i).
91. Manen7ia-man mannukku alu-mb-ii-sse, " I treat Manes as
myself" (?).
92, 93. Atinin senippi-e-n tadu-karis sura, "loving (him) as thy
brother magnify (him)."
96. Read \a7i\su-d-ni.
97. U7ninippi-a-7i, "thy country" like sukkamie-pi-a7i tipipi-an
in line 84, unless we should read here -wati for -plan.
98. 99. Pazi-man i-inma-man piril-sau-sse, "an embassy from
thee I received " (?). \Id I:\du7n7ni t-u-7n7/n-//i77ia-7nan iu7U7iippi tanu-
sa-sse, "joy (?) between our (?) lands he made." In i-u-m77ii-77i77ia-
7)ian the first suffix is that of \id'\du-77i7ni ; perhaps /-// is " thou-I,"
i.e., "our."
105. Siipi-a-7i tipippia-7i guH-a\i7ia\ " thy many words she had
said."
198
June 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
106. Urkh i C'c^n signify either "to know" or "to wish," or "to
think." In IV, 29, it is followed hy palta and khasa-si-lli, "when
he had heard thee," " when he had seen everything." Perhaps the
best rendering would be " to understand " — nrkhen pdla guli-dina
pa\li\-ina7i urkha guli-d\ind\, " let him understand what he hears, he
had said ; and hear (and) understand, he had said."
Col. Ill, I. Shiippi-u-ssa-7i asti sdril-sa D.P. \MiT\zirre\pf\
pas\sti-si\ " and my brother desired a wife, an Egyptian (?), to be
sent to him."
2. Undu-indn aru-sdu-n iddn-sta-mdn semp[pi-fa'\, "and when I
sent her, and may it be pleasing to thy brother."
5. Read vidnni-mma-vHT\i{\ : tadu-khkhu-H-kki-nna-n athiin
md7ini-mma-man, " thou wilt love her as myself." Tadu-khkhu-li
is a compound of tddu. I-d-ii corresponds with i-d-lan in II, 73.
7-10. Senippi-n-eni-s astls senippi-ta fikhajiu-lu-md-sseiii sueni,
" my brother's wife made payments (?) many to thy brother." The
compound gipdnu-lu (III, 59), shows that the signification oilu is
connected with that of "giving," while tikhanu in III, 27 is
associated with fiikhdri, " dowry."
Napi-uggun is a compound of napi (lY, 15), and a word which
is found in the compound ulliikh-iiggun (II, 104).*
Perhaps we should translate andfie suene piri-kki'cnni atinin
vianni-mma-vian 7nard-dur\]i\una-n athii/i 77ia7i7ii-77i77ia-77ia7i, " (pre-
sents ?) of many kinds I will receive like mine, and I will increase
ten times more than mine." "Ten times more " is a favourite
expression of Dusratta in his Assyrian letters.
13-16. Se7iippi-u-ssd-7i pire-ta arii.-77id-ssu-khikha . . . 7iikhari-77iaii
guj-u senippi-u-s pire-ta arii-si-mhu-s-kha, " and my brother has
received what I sent (to him), the dowry . . . again my brother has
received her whom I sent (to him)." Ar{i-si-77ibii-s-kha is show^i by
tiri-77ibu-ssu-khkha (III, 95) to stand iox aru-si-7Jil?u-stc-kha {'■'■ send-
her-I-belonging-to "). Khikha in arft-77id-ssu-khikha is merely a
variant spelling of -ssu-khkha, like epir7ii (IV, 128) for epri/mi.
(17) Senippi - u - a - Ua - n (18) gipanu - sau - ssena
To 77iy brother I gave the77i
gipanu-sau-lla-man pire-ta-lla-n (19) senippi-u-s
UTid whe7i I gave t/m/i he received the 771 even 7/iy brother
* With itUiikh comp. tllukha-ti-lan (III, 16), and uht\kJi\c-tta (IV, 60).
199
June 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [iQoo.
unalan (20) senippi-u-a tikhaniskha-la-n.
from me (?) to my brother offeri?ig (?) them.
Here the relation of the verbal forms in -sau and -ta to one
another is very clear, as well as that of man and -71.
(21, 22) Undu-man inna-me-nin senippi-u-e asti
A7id when on my side (?) my brofhc?''s wife
unetta inna-manin senippi-ta tikhanii-lle-tta.
I took {and^ on thy side to thy brother payment zvas madeQ).
Perhaps the last words should be translated " on her side to thy
brother she made payment."
(26, 27) Piratena-n passidkhena su-allaman
And after being received messengers often
dubbu-la-in tikhani-ti-na-n , senippi-ta
may they despatch, and to be paid to thy brother
nikharin,
the dozt'ry.
Dubbu-ia-in is the 3rd person plur. of the precative, as is shown
hy palla-in in IV, 64. The meaning is determined by the context.
See III, 100.
(31) Piratena sil-alla-man passitkhena-n siValla-man
Arrivals often and messages often
(32) lillan uminna su-alla-man mari-a-nna-rti-lan
from my (?) country often ....
(33) senippi-u-s i!lria-ssena pisaina-n senippi
my brother writes of them ; and now, O brother,
(34) beteste-na-n nikhari sirenna-n.
mayest thou ... a dowry plentiful.
Pirathia is opposed to passitkhcna as a message that is received
to one that is sent. The form of the word is the same as that of
ammati, "elders." Fisaina?i is connected with pessan (III, 68), and
sirenna-n with scrrcpi-n (III, 67).
200
June 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
(44) Aiin ullui elartippi-u-enase-mma-man
Noiv to me (?) of my eldest sister
(45) nikhari-ase dubbias dubbukku senippi-e-nna-n
about the dowry letters 7vere written, and thy brother
(46) etita-nna-man simiki pali-ama-sse-man
as aforesaid ... he had heard
urukku (47) palia-lla-man etita-ni-lla-man
as it zvas ivritten (?), and hears them as aforesaid
senippi-u-s (48) dubbu-pata-lla-man i-in iprenna-sus
my brother, replying (?) to them as (?) kings
paldu-pate
after hearing (?)
Elartippi-u-end-se is noun + infixed i pers. pron. + plural
suffix + adjectiviil suffix agreeing with dubbias, where the a may
represent the infixed 2 pers. pron. Paldu-pate is an z&^oxh, paldu
being probably a compound of /^/and du ; ci. palta (IV, 29) ; pate
is found in niru-patae.
59. Sekhrd-lla-man, " helping them " (?) ; the same word as
sekhrus-tilld-n (IV, 119), and probably also as sekhar-ni-ppi-a-s (IV,
116). It seems to agree with atta-i-ippa.
60. Notice the agreement of su-pi-nd-s-u-nna (" my-many ") with
puddu-kki-a-s-fi-nnd-lla-n.
62-65. The sense may be : " And so to thee, even to my
brother, I gave them, as to myself." In this case Prof. Jensen will
be right in seeing in tddu-kdrre-pi (or better tddu-kdrre-wa) the ist
pers. sing, of a verb. Urkh-ubdu-si-li-pi is a compound of urkhi.
The suffix -// is identical with that in gipanu-lu-lle-pi-d-tta-n
(? " give-together-I-thee-to-also.")
(66) Issinan senippi-u-s attartippi-u-nna
As formerly my brother my forefatheri^s)
khirukhkhae (67) irnukhu-si-ama serre-pi-n
for gold had asked, (and) a quantity
AZAG-Gi atta-ippi-u-s ammatippi-u-a (68) uaduranna
of gold my father than my grandfather more
201 R
Ji;ne 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGV. [1900.
gipand-sa-sse pessa-n atta-ippi-u-a (69) uaduranna
gave, so 710W than my father 7nore
gipand-ssft-sse tea atta-i-bbe-ne-ta-n
have I given afterivards and for thy father's
. . . anna-man supi-man senippi-u-s irniikhu-si-ama
. , . much my brother had asked
(71) atta-ippi-u-ene-nna gipanu-sa-sse
that belo7iged to my father, (and) he {my father) gave it ;
senippi-u-ttan (72) subi-ama-sti-en
and to my brother may it be plejitiful
Pessan is probably a compound of pc, " day," and iss-\i7iai{\.
(74» 75) Senippi-u-ssa-n ullui tipippi sukku
And may my brother to me words favourable
tana-sti-en tisippe-
nnen (76)
khisiikhipi-a-en
jiiake, and a splendid
like/iess (?)
sali-ppi-u-en
senippi-u-ene-pi
asti-pi
of my daughter
77iy brother's
wife
{n) [senippi]-u-s
ZA-LAM-Si
khiarukhkhc
7 nay my In^other,
even her image
of gold
nakkassa ... (78)
. . . tana-sti-en
pure (?)
make
Tisi-ppi must have the same root as tissan, for khisukhu-s see
II, 52. We find i\\e\exh khisi'/kh7i-lu-khu in I, no — tipencpi scnippi
khisukhu-lii-khu, "I have said similar words, O brother" (?) For
tea see below IV, 2.
86. Sarn-si-7/ibi\-nnu\khkha tisippi-u-n7iu-khkha, " which I have
desired, which is splendid for me."
87, 88. Notice the construction : attartippi-tan tissa7ii-\tta7i\ . .
subi-a77ia-sti-eni-tan, " and to thy forefathers indeed may it have ijeen
plentiful-to-them."
Senippi-u-s uniini-ppi-u-a pir'i-ta, "my brother received from my
country."
202
June 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
91. la-mcnin etippi palau senippi-u-s teunae tissan tissan iatid-ssa,
" since (?) this I hear (that) my brother always (?) very much loves
her."
sinni-beru-khkhe senippi-u-s
of ivory may my brother
(97)
ZA-LAM-Sl
An image
ari-en
inu-menin
send ;
on my part
ZALAM-Si
sftpi senippi
an image
wholly, 0 brother,
atinin
manni-mma-man • . • (i
as
from myself
(98) Ninua-pi Sauska-pi
of Nineveh of Istar
enippi-u-a a(i ?)-ta (99) katetau khiarukhkhe-man
my goddess for thee (?) / declare of gold
(100) dubbu-le-pi
/ despatch
. (loi) apiru-ene-ra teena
katinna inu-Ue-nin (102) khil[lu-]le-pi atinin
description 0// our parts / have ashed like
manna-lla-man annin z.alam-sI
mine; ill regard to (^^ the image
(103) khi[aru]khkhe nakkase Tadu-khepan
of gold pure (?) Tadu-khepa
manni Dusratt[a]-pi (104) Mittanne-pi ipripi
of me Dusratta of Mitanni the king
sala Immuria-pi (105) Mizirre-pi-ne-pi
the daughter, of Immurias of Egypt
ipripi astinna arCi-sa-sse (106) Immuriassa-n
the king the wife, one has 'ient, and Immurias
ZALAM-si tanu-sa khiarukhkha nakkassa
an image made of gold pure (?)
(107) Uusratta-pi-man gipanil-sa tata-raskae
and to Dusratta gave as a mark of affection.
The earlier part of this translation is necessarily only conjectional.
And as I have already remarked, there is still a doubt in my mind
203 R i
June 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1900.
as to whether maniii denotes the first or the third person. Regarding
it as the first person, we should expect aru-sau rather than arii-sa in
hne 105, and the only way out of the difficulty is to translate aru-sa
impersonally.
Katetau and kati-tma have the same root as kati-Uc-ta, " he
conversed with," "addressed." Perhaps in kate-t-ait we have the
suffixed second personal pronoun ; perhaps it is a combination of
what I have called the perfect, and the present tenses [katc-ta and
katau), — " I am speaking to my brother of an image, wholly of gold,
of Istar of Nineveh."
The verbal suffix of duhbu-lc is the same as that which we find in
khillu-lc, kati-lle, &c., and which is, I believe, related to that of
khasd-si-Ui (IV, 29) and the common suffix -lla. For its signification
see III, 26.
Anntn must be related to an-ti, *' thus," and atini (IV, 58),
115. We must notice the attachment of the adverbial ;;/<7«/;; to
the verbal uru-le-pi, " many favourable treaties (durubi-pi), as afore-
said, in a letter I have written them."
(116) UriVpi-en passet-i-ta-n (n?) senippi-ta
The writing taken I had sent also to thy brother
gipaneta-man senippi-u-s Masri-a-ni
gave my brother of the Egyptian
(118) umini nuli sukka-nni-man sueni
lands the . . . and favourable many
durubi-ip[pi ?]
treaties
That is, " my brother gave to thy brother, when he had sent
the writing, the nuli of the lands of Egypt."
Fasset-i-ta-?i is the ist (or possibly the 3rd) pers. of the perfect
with the dative suffix agreeing with senippi-ta.
120,121. Talimtena fiiuini talimtena diirnpa, "interpreters for
thy country, interpreters for thy treaty." For talami, " dragoman,"
see IV, 37. In my former Paper I suggested that the word may be
a corruption of the Assyrian turgumannu (from ragchnn). Talimtena
agrees in form \\\\\\ pira-t-ma (^III, 26).
204
June 12]
PROCEEDINGS.
[1900.
(i)
Tipe-man
And words
senippi-u-a-n
and to my brother
Col. IV.
sukku senippi-ta guUi
favourable to thy brother speak,
(2) a-i-ta tipi surpi
even to thee (?) words corresponding
tea
kati-kku-nni
mannu-kka-lla-n
: (3) anti
afterwards (?)
/ will ntter,
and when I
thus
ilnu-kka-la-n
talame-ne-pi
a-i-ta
ipri ....
have taken
translations
for thee (?)
0 king, . . .
(4) surpi
tipi
katis
khillu-si-n
corresponding words
uttering
a question
khillu-si-kkil-[n]ni (5) senippi-ta etippi-u-e
/ tvill ask. To thy brother things relating to me
niru-patae gulu[s]a-tta-n (6) niru-patae khasti-
soon he has said, soon I have
sau-nna-n guru senippi-u-s tipena
considered them* Again my brother words
(7) tanil-sa-ssa napi-a-n takima
has made and thy text (?) interpreting
ninii-s-(i-a
has added (^) for me,
auarkhena-sa-man
and copies (?) of it
aaddu-sta-man
and may he . . .
(9)
khasli-satl-n
/ have seen it
ai-ma-nin (10)
since (?)
senippi-u-s
my brother
anam
thus
khisu-si-Ue-tta-n
has caused to be like (?)
senippi-u-s
my brother
gift-saf
he has . . . ,
kass'andu-si-tta-n
tanu-si-pi-a-lla-nni
the snaking of it
* I.e., " As soon as (thou hast) spoken to thy brother of what relates to me, so
soon I have seen it."
t We hzYQ giu-i/ian in I, 61.
205
June 12]
SOCIETY OF BIELICAL ARCILEOLOGY.
[1900.
The meaning I have assigned to surpi is of course only a con-
jecture derived from the context. As for tea, its signification
seems to be settled by a comparison of this passage with III, 69.
The general sense appears to show that in the case of the verb
the suffix -kic has, at all events at times, the meaning of the ist
pers. sing, of the future tense, I am doubtful whether -;// is the
suffix of the 3rd pers. pron. referring to iipi, or the adjectival suffix
-7ii.
The verbal noun khillu-si-n ])roves that here -si is a formative
suffix, and not the infixed 3rd pers. pronoun. In line 1 1, where the
word follows the verb, the case-ending is dropped.
N'lru-patae is a compound of mm, which we find in the adverb
niru-sac (IV, 38). For the meaning of it see below on IV, 33. In
IV, 62, jieri-ppi has the determinative of woman before it. We
have iiirise in IV, 43. The final -?i of gulu\s\d-tta-7i and khasu-saii-
nna-n is the copula — " also," "also."
Napi is the first element in the compound napi-uggiai (III, 8).
See above.
Notice the form tdmi-si-pi-a-lld-niii : cp. khasa-si-pi-a-en in 1. 20.
12, 13. Katia-mdn se?iippi sendnnae manni-nin tipi anti, " I utter,
O brother, in a brotherly way on my account (?) words as follows."
14, 15. Scnippi-s-afi umi7ii-pi dita napi tala?na etita tdna-sdu-e?i,
" and let thy brother make translations as aforesaid for thy country
and thyself (?)." I cannot explain du instead of ti in the verb.*
Notice ftapi instead of the napi-d, " thy n," of 1. 7.
(16)
(17)
Tipi-a-lla-n
And thy words
kati-kki
thou shalt letter
surpi
corresponding
senippi-ta-man
a7id to thy brother
senippi-ta
to thy brother
apenne-nin
tipi surpi (18) i-a-mma-man kati-le-pi
Words corresp07idi7ig viiitually I utter in return
su-pi-ne etippi-u-e (19) uminippi-u-e-ne
7/ia7iy relati7tg to me {and) relati7ig to 7/iy cou7itry
* But compare kaiSan-du (IV, 9) by the side of Jcaisan-ti (IV, 44) ; ben-du-n
(II, 87) by tlie side of benti (I, 103); pal-dii (III, 48) by tlie side oi pal-ta
(IV, 23).
206
June 12]
PROCEEDINGS.
etie senippi-u-lla-n tipi
those ; and let my brother words
khasa-si-pi-a-en ailan
co)i<:ider (them ?) ho^o (?)
[1900.
(20) anena-mma-man
guli-ama
had spoken
kati-lli-ta
uttered
etie
those,
i-ena-ma-nin
luith one another.
Manes
Manes
Manes
Manes
Gilia-lla-n
and Gilias
Gi[l]ia-lla-n
to Gilias
(22) sil-pi-ne etippi-u-e uminippi-u-e-ne
J many things relating \ J {and) relating to 1
\ to me f \ my count ly f
(23) urkha-lla-n
and he (Gilias) understood,
khasa-si-lla-ini-lla-n
and saw tvhat belons:ed to them.
(24) apenna-nin
thou art . , ,
khillu-le-pi
/ asked in return
umini-pi-ne
f (and) relating to \
\ thy country )
guru
Am in
su-ta
much *
{25) senippi-u-e-ne
pal-ta-la-n
a?id heard thee,
senippi-u-s
My brother
i-a-mma-man
mutually
etie
relating to my brother those {things)
etie
those ;
(26) khasa-si-pi-a-li-lla-n
Manes) saio
J and zuhen {Manes) sazu \
\ -what belonged to them /
Gilias
Gilias
Gilias
Gilias
Mane-Ua-n
to Manes
Maness-an
a?id Manes
(27)
gule-ta
said
guli-ama
had spoken
i-e-ma-nin
mutually.
(28) senip-u-e-ne
relating to my brother
etie umini-pi-ne etie
those (things) {and) relating to thy country those
(29) urkha-lla-n palta-la-n khasa-si-lli-lla-n
and {Manes) understood and heard thee J and considered \
\ everything. J
* Or rather perhaps "frequently," since this must be the meaning of sil-ta-
man passu-si "frequently sending," in I, 50.
207
June 12]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.*;OLCGY.
[1900.
Kati-kk-i corresponds regularly with kati-kk-u, i denoting the
2nd person, and u the first. Perhaps Vct-nwia-man is " to thee,"
while /-^-;//(?-;//// (line 27) is "to him." Kafi-Ie-pi h evidently the
first person, showing that Prof. Jensen is right in making -pi (or -7c>a)
sometimes the termination of the first person singular. It is, in
fact, the first person of the perfect tense, of which kaii-llc-ta is the
third.
Etippi {etie) — et'ic is equivalent to " some-others." Scnippi-u-llan
takes the place of saiippi-u-s in line 10, proving the grammatical
equivalence of the two forms ; the suffixed -I/a-?! denotes " them."
An-end is a plural. In khasa-si-lla-ini-Ua-n the final suffix agrees
with Gilia-Ua-7i, -{i)'ii\ which is omitted in khasa-si-lli-Ud-n (1. 29),
is the adjectival suffix, and lid or /// is comitative.
The context seems to require some such meaning as "corre-
sponding " for S2trpi\ but it may be connected with surama-sti-en,
" may he honour."
(30) Undu-man
i-a-lle-nin
tipena
sLl-a-Ua-man
And since
mutually
ivords
often
(31) senippi-u-s
kadil-sa-ssena
liria-ssena
7ny brother
devised
(?)
{aiid) writes,
antillan (32)
emanam-kha
tanu-sau
tisa-man
thus
an interchange
/ made
exceedingly
senippi-u-e
sukkannen
(33)
pati
of my brother
favourable
in accordance with
tipenen khisu-khu-si-u-ppi astin senippi-u-e
words .... {ajid) a ivife to my brother
(34) aru-sau senippi-u-e-nen tisanna sirasse
/ sent belonging to my brother exceedingly . . . ;
{2,s) undu-n Manena-n senippi-u-c passi-tkhi
and when Manes of my brother the messenger,
undu-n (36) (liliana-n Artessupana-n Asalinna-n
and when Gilias and Artessupas a7id Asalis,
208
June 12]
:]
PROCEEDINGS.
[1900.
passi-tkhippi
(37) Giliana-n
talami
the messengers,
Gilias {being)
dragoman
Asalinna-n
dupsani-ppi-ii-nni
(38)
kipu-su-ssi
ajid Asalis
viy secretary.
servants (?)
senippi-ta-lla-n
niru-sae tissan
(39)
passu-sau
of thy brother.
early very
/ sent,
senippi-u-lla-n pire-ta
and my broiher-them received.
Tisd-man takes the place of tisdn{iia), a fresh proof that -n and
-ma7i have the same sense and signification.
Pati here evidently means "in accordance with," "like" ("in
accordance with the favourable words of my brother"). Hence I
should render /a/zj^/z in I, 51, " consort," " &Q^'!\^''—sdlapa-n patippi-
il-njia art, "and send thy daughter as my consort." Patae in
compounds will signify "like'"; Q.g., nirn-patae " early-like," "soon";
7iiru-patae . . . niru-patae in IV, 5, 6, being "as soon as."
With the form oi khihi-khu-si-u-ppi coxn]}. tdnu-si-n-ppi {\\, ns)-
We have kipa-ssi-ppi in II, 114, with ihmni-ppi-u-ena, "belonging
to my country," in agreement with it. Perhaps kipu-s-21-ssi is " serve-
me-they, cf. Mpu . . . (II, 103.)
The construction of saiippi-n-l/an throws light on the form :
the comitative sufifix -lla-n, denoting " them," is attached to the
infixed pronoun, which thereupon loses the nominative ending.
Consequently senippi-ii-lldn is the equivalent of senippi-u-s, when
"them" is the object (or subject) of the verb.
41. Senippi-U'ttdn sild-khu-s-u-sti-pi-a-en,'^ dind to my brother may
they "
The -s{7i) accordingly denotes the plural. For the verb see IV, 66,
stid-khu-s-kha.
(41) Passi-tkhippi-lan (42) senippi-u-s
A fid the messeiigers may my brother
sur-ama-sti-en nakki-en tipi-tta-a-n
honour (?) {and) treat ivell, and to thy words
209
June 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGY.
[1900.
guriVpi
/ have replied
(43)
senippi-u-e-man
my brother's
ninse
a child.
khasi-li
seeing,
senippi-u-e-ne-pi
;iiy brother's
(44) kassan-ti-sti-nnd-n
atid iiiayest thou . . . her
gelti-pi
slave (?).
gelti
slave (?),
tissan
greatly
For siirainasti-eti uakki-en see IV, 51, Nakki-eii is from the same
root as nakkase, "good," "pure" (III, 103). Sura may be related to
sur-pi, which I have translated " corresponding," but which may
signify " honourable."
Gelti is probably akin to Gilias and gilu, on which see I, 88.
Niri-se is related to nerippi, for which see below, IV, 62 ; fiiri
occurs in II, 95, and III, 43.
Khast-liis the verbal stem in -//, which we have in khillu-le-pi, &c.,
Kassaji-ti-sti-jifid-n, has the same root as kassan-du-si-tta-?i in IV, g.
45. Senippi-e-ima-n khillu-le-si eta-la-n passi-tkhippi kiizfi-su, "and
thy brother ask him in return how I have accepted (?) thy messengers."
Etalan must signify " how."
48. Scnippi-u-e-ne-pi asti-pi nikhari aru-sdu-sse, " I sent the dowry
of my brother's wife."
52. Isa-llan Maiienna-n scnippi-ic-s suka passi-en, "and in return
may my brother send Manes favourably."
(53) Itta-innan passi-tkhippi-ra suka
A fid besides (?) the {other) messengers favourably
ule-n senippi-u-s
to-ine-also may my brother
passar(?)i-pi-a-en
send.
Manenna-man
even Manes
(54) passi-tkhe
a messenger
passi-en
let him- send,
ai-ma-nin (55) Manen senippi-u-s passi-ama
as {formerly^ Alanes my brother had sent.
uli-man
and to me
passe-ta
he sent
(56) liri-u-ppi-u-nna-n
what 7C'as ivritten to me,
scnippi-u-ssa-n palla-en
and may my brother hear
210
(57) uya-man
that I {am)
senippi-sa-n
thy brother,
June 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
Manenna-man passi-en (5 J
and Manes let him send.
)) Senippi-u-e-man
And my brother's
asti anni
wife accordingly (?)
aru-sau-sse
/ sent,
taki-man
for it pleased
anti (59) manni
thus me,
senippi-u-ssa-n
and let my brother
palla-en
hear
ai-ma-nin mannu-patae (60) ulu[kh]e-tta
that of my oivnfree zvill (?) I gave presents (?)
gule-tta tanki-man anti manni
(afid) said that it pleased thus me.
Anni is related to an-ti, perhaps also to an-ammi. Mannu-patae
is probably a compound of the stem of the first personal pronoun,
a.n6. patae allied to pati, "in accordance with" (IV, 33).
Ulukhe-tta. In III, 15-18, we read " my brother had received
what I sent him (aril-si-mbt7-s-kha) ulitkha-ti-lan . . . and to my
brother I gave them." The general idea contamed in the word,
therefore, must be that of making presents. Perhaps it embodies
the root which is found in the compound gipanu-lu, "to give."
61. Mena-n must be an imperative, since we have mena-kki in
line 66. Mena-man (line 63), corresponds with mena-n.
62, 63. Nerippi-u-la-n etita apsu-sa isalldn apsu-sdic-lla-jna/i,
"and my child as aforesaid has . . ., and in return I have . . . them."
Nerippi \\Q.s, the determinative prefix of woman, so that it is difficult
to see what other signification than that of "child," can be assigned
to it.* The root would mean "to be young"; hence niru-sae is
"early," and niru-patae "soon." For ntrise see IV, 43.
64. Enippi-a-lld-n palla-in enillan senippi-u-ena, " may thy gods
hear them, even the gods of my brother."
66. Nirsae probably stands for 7uru-sae.
67,68. I fancy that azalta means "first," and "//Zra "second."
At all events Pidukkita seems to have been the sister of Tadu-khepa.
Perhaps zukan pati is "according to rank "or "age"; see II, ti,
III, 16.
* In II, 95, however, ntri would more naturally be "lady" : Manenna-inan
passitkhip ntri tissanna-man uriikkiTit, " now the messenger Manes often written
about (?) to the lady (?)."
211
JuxE 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.KOLOGY
[1900.
95. Safik/iarra-sa-ni/!, the Shinar of the Old Testament, similarly
written Saiikhar in a letter from the king of Alasia {Tablets of Tell
el-Amarna, 5, 49). In the latter passage "the king of Sankhar"
is coupled with " the king of the Hittites," as the king of
Babylonia is in other Tel el-Amarna letters ; Sankhar consequently
must here denote Babylonia like the Biblical Shinar. Perhaps the
term as applied to Babylonia has a Mitannian origin ; at all events
we now see that it is at least as old as the 15th century B.C.
96. \T\adu-kari-7}ih-i'i-sse7ie-ra-n "I loved them."
no. Se\jtippi-\u-lld-fi khasa-si-pi-a-oi '-and let my brother
observe them."
(in) [Sen]ippi-ra-man
Noiu to brothers
tisippi-a-n teunae tissan
/;/ excess for ever indeed
pikhrumme (112) [tadjukarumme
allia7ice {and) friendship
senippi-e-nna-n urkhu-ptin (113) [teunjae
and thy brother's acquaintance for ever
pikhru-sti-lla-n taduka[r]is tisippi-sa-n
viayest thou cherish loving the extent of it (?)
urau
/ write,
tissan
indeed
That is : "I write that alliance and friendship are indeed strong
between brothers " (or possibly " in the case of thy brother ").
Tisippi-a-n is from the same root as tisan or tissan.
(117) Enna-su-s
nakki-te-n
(118) Tessupas
May the gods ,
treat thee well,
Tessupas
Amanu-ti-Ua-n
ipri-ppi-su-s
atta-i-ppi-su-s
and thy Anion
the hings,
thy fathers.
(119) sekhrus-ti-Ua-n
atinin
manna-ti-lla-man
helping (J) thee
as
nie with thee,
urukhkhis-ti-llan
knowing (?) thee
In Avia7i{i-ti-llan and the following words -ti is evidently the
affixed second personal pronoun, while the final sufiix refers to a
212
June 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
plural subject ("the gods'"), and not to a plural object. "The
kings " probably mean the gods, as we can hardly suppose that deified
ancestors are intended.
That sekhru-s signifies " helping," seems pretty clear from III, 59,
where it is said that Dusratta's father " helped " {sekhra) the grand-
father and father of the Pharaoh. The substantive sekhar-tia, " help,"
is found in I, 103.
127, 1 28. We must notice the spelling ('-//>-;// instead oi ipri-7ii
"king."
130. It would appear from this last line that teii-la-e (and teu-na-e),
signified "eternally." The root is evidently the same as that ol tea,
" afterwards " (III, 66, IV, 2.)
It is clear from the foregoing that Mitannian is in its general
structure a "Caucasian" language. It resembles Georgian in its
habit of piling suffix upon suffix, pronoun upon pronoun, until the
verbal forms become almost impossible to analyse. Like Georgian,
also, it occupies a middle position between inflection and agglutina-
tion. In this respect it resembles the ancient languages of Asia
Minor, so far as we know them, though it is to be noticed that it
illustrates the fact that, as we pass eastward, agglutination is more
prominent, while westward, as in the case of Lycian, inflection is
more pronounced.
All these languages, moreover, are characterised by certain
common grammatical features, such as the absence of gender, the
forms of the personal pronouns, and the terminations of the nomina-
tive, accusative and oblique cases of the noun. They do not,
however, on that account belong to the same linguistic family ; the
relationship between them is geographical and not genealogical.
Some of the features common to them are shared with the Indo-
European languages, and they thus form a bridge which connects the
Caucasus linguistically with Greece. This however is no reason for
supposing that between the Indo-European and the Asianic languages
there is any connection other than geographical ; geographical
contact and influence are quite sufficient to explain such similarities
as exist. In the Hittite language of Arzawa mi and // are " mine "
and " thine," -s denotes the nominative, -11 the accusative, a simple
vowel the oblique case, and -as the nominative plural, while in
21^
JiNE I2j SOCIETV OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1900.
Mitannian inan{iia), ta {ie), and sa (se) are "me," "thee" and "he."
tt " mine " and uya " I," -s and -n the signs of the nominative and
accusative, a vowel that of the obhque case, and -as that of the plural
nominative. But beyond these coincidences we look in vain for
marks of relationship in either grammar or vocabulary between the
languages of Asia Minor and those of eastern Europe.
On the other hand, as Prof. Jensen has already noticed, between
Mitannian and Vannic there are several striking points of resemblance.
The grammar of Vannic is that of Mitannian simplified ; the suffixes
have not yet coalesced so completely with one another, there are no
inffixcs or suffixed pronouns, and the verbal forms are less complicated.
But the general structure and machinery of the two languages is the
same; there is the same use of gerundives, the same confusion between
the noun and the verb. The suffixes are similar ; not only have we
in Vannic -s for the nominative of the noun, -ni for the accusative,
and a vowel for the oblique case, we have also the suffixes -// and -di,
-ki and -ka, -ri (-ra) and -f/ie. There is a nominative plural in -s, and
-;// is an adjectival suffix. The first person singular of the verb is
characterised by the suffix -/'/, with which the -// and -u of Mitannian
must be compared. There is a third person singular in -d/ia (or -fa) ;
the ordinary third person suffixes -// and ;«' may be compared with
the Mitannian -/a-n "them" and -«/ "him." Prof. Jensen has
already pointed out that the Mitannian i/>ris " king " and umin or
iiwin "country "are the Vannic mr{s and ebctni; ti-pi (or ii-iva)
"word" is the Vannic ii "to name," tin "to pretend," Tessupas was
the Air-god in both Mitannian and Vannic, and perhaps uya " I " is
related to the Vannic ie-s*
* The Cuneiform Text which I have described in my Assyriologkal Notes, 3,
VI {Proc. S.B.A., Nov. 1897), shows that Mitannian was spoken within the
limits of the Babylonain empire in the age of Khammurabi. Many of the names
in it are purely Mitannian. Idkhip-sar is idkhi-p, the second element in passi-
idkhi-p "messenger," Idkhipus is idkhi-pi-u-s "my envoy "or "minister," and
in Gil-Tesup " the servant (?) of Tesup," we have the name of the god Tessupas
and the word that meets us in Gilu-Khepa and Giliyas. Sar seems to have been
borrowed from Baljylonian ^as in Ea-sarri), like the Comagenian saru-pi. In
Tekhip-tilla we have tiie same root as in the (ekhu-sa of Dusratta's letter (II, lOO),
which maybe connected with idkhi-p, and Urkhiya is formed from iirkliu "to
know " like Gilias from gihi. As Durar-Tesup is the son of Gil-Tesup, durar
must be a Mitannian word ; cp. vuirA-dttr-ku and na-dui-a-nna. It is questionable
whether the Mannian names, Akhsir-Tesup, Akhsir-Babu, Irisenni and Nubanani,
which are mixed up with the Mitannian names, are linguistically allied to the
latter.
214
June 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
On the whole, however, the vocabularies of the two languages
differ far more than the grammars, and make it evident that if there
really is a genetic relationship between them, it is by no means a
close one. For my own part I am inclined to doubt whether the
relationship is more than geographical ; the words common to both
may be explained by borrowing on one side or the other, and the
structural and grammatical likeness may be of geographical origin.
But whether the relationship is geographical or genetic, in either
case it shows that the two languages were once in contact with one
another, and that Mitannian has intruded from the north into the
Semitic territory of Mesopotamia
June 12]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGY.
[1900.
VOCABULARY.
arta ; " former," " elder " ; comp.
A the proper names Arta-tamas
and Ar-Tessiipas (for Arta-
a: infixed pronoun of 2nd Tessupas).
person. asti ; "wife."
aaddii, IV, 7. atta-ippi ; "father."'
aggus, agiis ; "friend," I, 81. attarti-ippi ; "forefather."
agu-karae ; "honour," II, 86 atinhi ; "as"(?).
compounded with karii, q.v. auarkhena : " copies " (?), IV, 7.
ai-i?i ; now.
ai-lan ; " how," " that " (?).
ai-tati, II, 90.
ai-manin ; " as," " that " (?), Ill,
III.
aku ; "bring away," I, 87.
alii-mbu ; "treat" (?), II, 91.
amma-ti ; "elders.''
amvia-tippi ; " grandfather."
ammu, I, 95.
anam, miamma, aiiammi ; "ac-
cordingly."
andue ; "kinds" (?), Ill, 11.
a7ini, IV, 58.
anni-n ; "'as regards," III, 102.
ajt-tt, an-ti-lla-n ; " thus."
afisu, II, 61.
anzanni ; "joy."
anzanic-khu ; "gladden."
anziigalla, II, 60.
azaifa; "first" (?), IV, 67.
B
be7iti-en ; " may he bless " (?), I,
103.
benta ; "blessing" (?), II, 5.
bennuppi ; "benefactor" (?), II,
78.
D
dub-sarrippi ; "scribe," "secre-
tary."
dubbe ; "letters," I, 18.
dubc, II, 20.
dub bias, III, 45.
ditbbukkii, III, 46.
diibbu-la-in ; " may they des-
patch," III, 26.
aiiK-a-man, I, 1 10.
ami-tani (compound of tanu), dubbu-le-pi, III, 100.
II, 69. dubbupdta, III, 48.
arakhi ; "lead," see zarakhi. duppa-kuskhena, II, 21. Perhaps
aru, ari ; "■ send." a compound of aku, " to
arannc : " sendings," III, 39. bring."
216
June 12]
PROCEEDINGS.
[1900.
dunmi, II, 58.
durubi ; "treaty." Cf. the
proper name JDurar-Tesup.
E
Ea-sarri ; the Assyrian "Ea, the
king."
ela ; " sister. "
el-arti-ppi : "elder sister," III,
emanamu : "exchange," III, 54,
hnanam-kha : "an exchange,"
IV, 32.
eni-ppt, em-pi (I, 87), e?ia ;
"god."
epirni ; see ipris.
eruskinna ; "friendly" (?), I, 97.
etU ; "these."
etippi, eti-pi {l\\, 55).
eti-ta ; " as aforesaid " (?).
G
gelti; "slave" (?), IV, 43.
gilu; "ser\-e" (?), I, 89,
gipdfiH, gipdnu-hi ; "give."
gi^i, IV, 8.
gicbi, giilli ; "speak," "say."
guru; "again," III, 58.
gurii-pi ; "repeat," IV, 42.
i-a-me-Ji'in, III, 91.
i-a-tta-man, II) 5-
i'd-n, III, 5.
^-^^ I, 54-
z-^-/?, II, 79.
i-n^ III, 48.
i-e-md-nin^ IV, 27.
i-e-vii-nin, II, 62,
i-ena-md-ni7i, IV, 21.
i-mma-man, II, 98.
i-t(-??imi-7iwia-ma?t, II, 99.
i-u-ta-lla-juati, II, 94.
zW?// "please," "be satisfied
with."
iddummi ; "pleasure," I, 93.
/^^/«-/, //^/«-/y "envoy," cf
/(?M;/, and the proper name
Idkhip-ii-s.
inna-md-nin, III, 22.
in)ia-me-nm, III, 21.
iml-me-nht, II, 74.
zVzz^-;; / " then " (?), Ill, 3.
im'c-tta-man, II, 75.
z>m,^ z^r/ / " king." In IV, 1 2 7,
epirni for ipri-ni.
irkamu ; "recount," I, 92.
irm'c-khu ; "demand," III, 66,
irsu ; "desire" (?), I, 103.
isa-s (I, 69, 75), isa-llan (III,
53); "in return."
issina-7i ; "as formerly," III, ^d,
tstani, I, 81.
itfa; "with" (?), II, 7.
K
/, ^; infixed pronoun of the 2nd kadu ; "design " (?), IV, 31.
person
i-d-lan, II, 92.
i-d-ti-lan, II, 74.
i-d-lld-7iin, III, 52.
i-d-lle-nin ; " mutually."
•.-d-nwia-mati^ IV, 18.
iar/^y "love." As in tadu-
karu.
kassa-nti, kaisa-iidu, IV, 9, 44.
katu ; ''to utter."
kati-Ui ; "to converse," IV, 21,
27.
217 s
June 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY
kati-nna ; " description," III,
[1900.
lOI.
kipu; "servant (?)," IV, 38.
kuzu, IV, 40.
KH
N
-n ; copulative conjunction.
na, ni; " him," " it."
nakka-sa ; " pure " or " good,"
III, 103.
naMi-du, nakki-t-en ; " treat
well(?),"II, 52, IV, 117.
7iamallHni ; " couch."
nap'; "text (?)" IV, 15.
kharali ; " door."
nhasu ; " see," " consider " (or
" hear " ?).
Khepa ; a deity.
khiyarukhkhe, khirukhkhe ; napri-Uaji ; " priests.''
" gold " {khiariikhkhae, III, 7iazu, I, 94.
66). neri-ppi; "child,'' "lady," IV,
khillu ; "ask." 62.
khisukhu ; "likeness (?)." niri; "lady," "child," II, 95.
kliihikhu-lu-khu ; " to be similar 7iiri-sse ; " child," IV, 43.
(?),"I, no.
khiita-nna, I, 102.
liipakku ; " soldiers."
M
niru-patae ; " soon."
niru-sae; "early" {?iir-sae, IV,
66).
fiikhari ; "dowry."
ninu; "add (?)," IV, 7.
Anm/d; "Nineveh," III, 98.
? nipru ; "son." Perhaps
Assyrian, or connected with
napri-llan.
nidi; translation of the ideo-
graphs KIR-KIR-MES, III, 113.
makanna ; "presents."
-man; "also." ^
manna; "me," I, 84.
mdjta, manni; "to me," "of /<•?///, /rt-ZA;: ; "hear " (or "see "?).
me."
man7ia-Ua-man, I, 8.
manni-mma-man, I, 16.
niaiinu-kku, II, 91.
mard-dur ; " increase
times (?)" Ill, 12.
viari-d-nn-arti-la-n, III, 32.
Masri-d-ni ; "Egyptian," I, 10
7?icHa, IV, 61.
paldu-pdte, III, 48.
passar(J)i, IV, 54.
pass2t; "send."
passi-khi-ppi ; " messages," III,
ten 54.
passi-dkhi-ppi ; " messenger."
pata ; "likeness."
pati ; "in accordance with."
patippi; "consort," I, 51.
218
June 12]
PROCEEDINGS.
[1900.
ivory,"' III.
pazi ; "' embassy (?)." sinni-beriikhkJic ;
pe-pi; "day," III, 55. 97.
pessa-n, pesse-nin ; "now," III, sn ; " multiply," I, 67.
68, III, 3. Perhaps a com- sue, suent ; "much."
pound of /(f and m/;m-//. su-l>i (III, 72), su-pi-inan (III,
pikhru-vime ; " friendship," IV,
III.
pint; "receive." Cp. the pro-
per name Piri-zzi.
piratcna; "receptions," 111,2 6.
For the form cp. talim-t-ena.
pira-t-arti-ppi ; "family (?)," II,
18.
pisaina ; "now," III, 33.
? pitqu ; " son." Perhaps
Assyrian.
40).
su-fa, su-ta-man ; "often," I, 50.
sii-a-lla-man, ; " often."
su-a-mia-man.
sum; "magnify," II. 4.
siirpi ; "corresponding" or
" honourable " (?), IV, 2.
siikku, sukka-fwe ; "favourable."
sa ; see se.
sdla ; "daughter."
Sankharra ; " vShinar," IV, 95.
sarnie ; " forest."
saru ; "to desire," III, i.
Saiiskas ; "the goddess Istar."
S£, si, sa ; third personal pro-
noun.
seiia ; "them."
sekhra ; "help," III, 59.
sekharna, I, 103.
sekhriis, IV, 119.
saiippi ; "brother."
sam-bbe, I, 89.
tadu, tdtu ; "love."
tddu-karu ; "love."
tata-raskae ; " with affection "
HI, 53.
falaina (IV, 7), talami (IV, 37),
" interpreter."
talimtena ; "interpreters," III,
I 20.
talamena ; " interpreting," II, 75.
tankin (I, 96), taki (IV, 58);
"wished."
tdnic; "make," "do."
tase ; "kindness (?)," I, 85.
tea; "afterwards," III, 69.
te-ena, III, 10 1.
sendnnae ; " in a brotherly way," fe-it-nae, fe-ii-lae (lY ^ 130); "for
IV, 12.
scrre ; "quantity (?),'' Ill, 69.
s ire una ; " plentiful," III, 34.
sira-sse, IV, 34.
si ; see se.
siya; "he" (?), I, 92.
sin, I, 90.
Simigitiis ; "the god of the
city Simigis " I, 86.
ever.
Tessupas ; the Air-god.
//, te; "thee."
tikhdnu ; "enrich (?)," Ill, 22.
tipi, tipe ; "word."
tissan, tisaniia ; "much," ''in-
deed."
tisippi; "excess," III, Zd.
tisi-asa-11, I, 78.
219
s 2
June 12]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
[igoo.
u
u ; infixed ist pers. pronoun.
2cya; "I," IV, 51.
u-ll-u-i ; " to me," III, 45.
u-li; "to me," IV, 55.
ii-lla-n ; " mine (?)."
u-7ia-lan (III, 19), tt-na (II, 14)
iiadiira-nna ; " more."
iidirru ; "add," III, 53.
ulnu ; " oil."
i^i/sa ; " second (?)," IV, 68.
i/h/kint ; " give gifts (?)," IV, 60.
itliikha, III, 16 ; ulliikh-uggun,
II, 104.
uvuni ; " country."
undu; "when," "as."
unu; "take," "select," I, 86,
III, 21.
iinu-kka-la-71, IV, 3.
7irk/m ; "know," "understand."
jif'khii-pthi ; " acquaintance," 1\,
112.
uru ; " write."
uru-nm ; " writing," IV, 47,
uru-pi ; "writing," III, 116.
uru-kku ; "written," II, 95.
zarakhi ; "lead."
zarra, I, 89.
Zizanu ; the War-god.
Z2ikan; "age," "rank" (?), IV,
68.
ziizi-la-ntati ; " accept them."
June 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
ADDITIONAL NOTE TO MEMOIR ON THE
LANGUAGE OF MITANNI.
By Prof. A. H. Sayce, LL.D., &c., &c.
Since my Paper was in print I have had the pleasure of
studying Dr. L. Messerschmidt's monograph in the Mitteilungen der
Vorderasiatischen Gcsellschaft (1899, 4). We agree wholly or
substantially in our general analysis of Mitannian grammar, as
well as in the significations assigned to the following words :
(i) aggus, "another" (M.), "friend" (S.) : my rendering of this
word is shown to be the more exact by the compound verb agu-
kara ; (2) aku^ "bring away" (see M., p. 50); (3) amniati ; (4)
anaiiwd; (5) aiiti; (6) asii ; (7) atta ; (S)gi//u; (g) guru; (10) ela ;
{11) emana}Jiu ; {12) eni ; (it,) khiarukhk/ia; {i^) khillu; (^i^) ipris ;
{16) katu ; lyi"]) makanna ; {\Z) 7iikhari ; (ig) nirusae ; {20) passu ;
(21) sala ; (22) saru ; (23) senippi ; (24) taitu ; (25) tatu ; (26)
tadu-karu ; (27) tikhanu ; (28) tipi ; (29) tissan ; (30) umini ;
(31) undu. M. would interchange the meanings of aru, "to send,"
and gipafiu, " to give," but since he interprets gipanii to " send
presents," there is really but little difference between us. Aran,
however, he separates from aru, and gives it the meaning of
"reading." Ajizannukhu he makes "to pray for" instead of "to
rejoice " or " gladden " (as Jensen and myself). For khasu he
adopts the meaning of "hear," as I had myself done at first; it is
now clear, however, from passages like IV, 64, that/c?//^ must signify
" to hear," while M.'s discovery of the negative conjugation makes
it equally clear that in IV, 30, khasa-si-pia-li-lian must be " what
they had not seen."
M. suggests, doubtfully, "know" as the signification oi pirti ;
but "receive" better suits the passages in which the word occurs.
The meanings of " health " and " in regard to," which he assigns to
gelti and etita are similarly questionable; and that of "one another"
which he gives to ista7ii does not yield a construable sense in the
June 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCIL-EOLOGY. [1900.
places where it is found. On the other hand he is certainly right in
making {u-u " to send back," " reply," and not " to write," as I had
supposed, and in giving to ulis the meaning of "another." The
latter discovery clears up IV, 53 : iilen senippi-u-s passidkhc passari-
ya-en "let not my brother send another messenger," and furnishes
us with a fresh point of agreement with Vannic, as in that language
nlis signifies " another." Messerschmidt's cleverest and most im-
portant discovery, however, is that of the negative conjugation,
which has opened the way to the interpretation of several words.
In the third person of the precative this is denoted by the infixed
particle {i)pi-{p) or //, which must have been pronounced {i)y-a and
y{i), as in k/iisukh-i-yd-e7i, " let him not grieve," nakki-t-u-y-en,
"let them not permit me." In the first person singular it takes the
form oi y-n, as in khihikhus-y-u-ppi, " I have not grieved," {ir-y-u-ppi-
u-niian, " I will not send him back from me." It is difificult to say
whether the / (of i-y) belongs to the negative particle or to the stem of
the verb. The negative is represented by y, -a and -^i being the
infixed pronouns.
From the discovery of the negative conjugation it follows that
(i) khisukhii means " to grieve," and (2) tisa, " heart," tisippi-e-7i7ia-n
kkisukhi-ya-en (III, 75, 76), for instance, being " let him not grieve
his heart." The adverb iissan, " very," must consequently be
literally "with all the heart," "cordially," It further follows that
(3) kuzii-s and (4) qarhct mean "to keep back" and "detain";
senippi-u-lla-n passitkhippi kuzusti-ya-en qarkutti-ya-en (IV, 40) being
"and let not my brother keep back (and) detain the messengers,"
a phrase which recurs in the Assyrian letters of Dusratta.
Another word of which M. has, I believe, ascertained the meaning
is afid{t-a7ian, which must signify " because " in III, 89. My
rendering "kinds" must be given up. On the other hand he has
missed the sense of ape7i7ia7ii7i and apermmin, which must mean
"individually" in IV, 17, 24, ape7i being "each." He is probably
right in translating kashi (or Iji'sh) "to be glad," and it is possible
that he is also right in making attartippi, "the bridal gift from the
father of the bride," though I am very doubtful on the point. For
esippi he suggests the signification of "gifts," but under the root ?/;/
he has confused together the verb iinu, " to take," and the pro-
nominal ii7ia.
There is one point, however, on which ]\I. has gone altogether
astray. He has failed to recognise the infi.xed personal pronouns
June 12] PROCEEDINGS. [19C0.
21 and a or /, and has accordingly been plunged into all kinds of
difficulties. Instead of u and a (/) he makes ippi^ ipi and i-pi the
representatives of the three personal pronouns. But, as he himself
admits, the confusion introduced into the language by the difficulty
of distinguishing between three suffixes so similar in sound would
have been hopeless, more especially when it is remembered that the
suffix -pi is also used for other purposes. Moreover in III, 52, we
have attaippa instead of the atta-ipi demanded by his theory, which
he is here obliged to abandon and make ipp{a), " thine," instead of
"mine"! So in I, 53, he has to translate Maneta passidkhipi-u-ta
" to Manes thy messenger " instead of " 7}iy messenger," though lines
50, 51 ("sending often [to say] : send thy daughter as my consort")
show that the king of Egypt is here speaking. In III, 50, again,
(" and to thy brother speak good words, and let my brother consider
thy brother, and I have greatly gladdened thy forefathers") he is
forced to ignore the copulative conjunction and make sefiippi-e-n
which precedes it an accusative after ajizannukhu-saic. The verbal
forms, however, prove that u denotes the first personal pronoun ; thus
tat-ia (probably for tatay-a\ "he loves," tata-u (probably for /a/«)^-?^),
"I love"; gulu-s-a^ "he said," guhc-sa-n, "I said." M. has over-
looked this fact, and has accordingly misunderstood IV, 45, passid-
khippi kuziis-u tiya-man kuzus-i-uppi-lan, " as for my detaining mes-
sengers, I have not detained them," where kuzus is the stem as in
other forms (e.g., kuzus-ti-yd-en) and the word " messengers " is used
without qualification as in the Assyrian letters of Tel el-Amarna.
As already noticed, the failure to recognise the forms of the pronouns
has also prevented him from harmonising the first and third persons
of the negative conjugation which he has himself discovered. It
may be added that the pi of the first person in forms like tatii-
karrepi, " I love," should doubtless be read -lua. M.'s error has
obliged him to give a wrong signification to tiaduranna, which
Jensen has certainly explained correctly, and also to despair of
analysing the word nakki-d-u-yi-en, the real meaning of which,
however, he has himself been the first to discover. The infixed tt
is the first personal pronoun, and the word must be decomposed
into " permit-me-not-let " ("let not the gods permit me to grieve
[thy heart] ").
I can now explain the verbal forms in -s-u which have hitherto
been puzzling. Kipu-s-n-ssi (IV, 38) is simply "had appointed-I-
him," the s being the same as that which w^e find in the stem kuzus
223
June 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1900.
and probably also in guhis-a, while the singular -si is used instead
of the plural, which, as M. has noted, is elsewhere the case in Mitan-
nian. The whole passage consequently reads : — " Now ISIanes my
brothers's envoy, and Gilias, Artessupas and Asalis the envoys — and
Gilias I had appointed dragoman and Asalis my secretary — I sent
very early on behalf of thy brother, and my brother received them."
XiJ)u consequently must mean " to appoint." Gipann-s-u-sse (III, 69)
is similarly, "I had given it," and gilu-s-71-a (I, 89), " I had assisted
him (?).»
M.'s misconception of the personal pronouns has led him into
other difficulties besides philological ones. Hence he is unable to
understand what is meant by the countries of Masri and Murwukhe,
the Mitannian equivalents of the Babylonian Mizir and Mitanni, in
spite of the parallelism between IV, 127, 128, and III, 103-105.
He is also forced to conclude that Ikhib is an Egyptian city, and
Simiginis an Egyptian god, though, as he himself says, this is not
admitted by the Egyptologists. Where Ikhib really was is indicated
in IV, 122, where the name of its god appears under the compound
form of Simigi-tarsuannis. Tarsuanis is the Vannic word for
" warrior," and Ikhib must therefore have been in the north within
the Vannic sphere of influence. Sinigis was a city of Nairi accord-
ing to Assur-nazir-pal (W.A.I. I, 22, 97).
The non-recognition of the first personal pronoun has further
led M. to misinterpret the su, "all," of plural forms like «//rt-7///-i-«i-,
and to assign erroneous meanings to sii-ta and pessan. But he
acknowledges that his translation of auia-sus does not suit II, 52,
and that in siiallaman we should expect to find the meaning of "all "
(p. 46).
Connected with the misconception of the pronoun is M.'s suppo-
sition that -// denotes a genitive case. This, however, is due to
his reading the rules of Indo-European grammar into that of
Mitanni, and if carried out consistently would lead to endless
difficulties. The true function of -pi is indicated by the title of
irrupi (not saru-pi), " the king," given to the king of Kummukh by
Tiglath-pileser I (see Proc. S.B.A., XIX, p. 286, note i).
M. has made considerable advances towards fixing the meaning
of the adverbs. la-Ilanin and ia-lknin are not " mutually," but
"as," and ia-i7ima-man is "whatsoever," {a)mina-man being the
Latin -ciaique. M. would also render ia-iiieniti, ie-menin and ie-
fnafiin, "whatsoever," but the distributive sense rather lies in the
224
June 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
{a)mina-7iia?i affixed to the verbs with which they are joined, and in
III, 91, ia-7nenin etippi palau senippius teiinae tissaii tissati tatia-ssa
must signify, " since this I hear (that) my brother ever loves her very
much." Allan M. would render "but," and inna-fJienin and inna-
manin "when" or "if"(?). From III, 51, we may gather that
anamman is " on that account."
Several points still need explanation, such as the difference in
signification between the vowels a and e. the forms of the personal
pronouns, and the suffixes of the verbal stems. But so much has
already been made out, that we may confidently leave the settlement
of such details to future investigators.
I have only to add that in my foregoing Paper the explanation of
the verbal suffix -sta as precative must be given up, that nria-ssena
(III, 33) should be "sends them back," and uriipien (or tiriiwen)
(III, 116) "the reply," that tisippc-7inen, "splendid" (III, 75),
should be tisippe-nnan^ "his heart," and that anhia-mina-man is
probably "other." That in is sometimes to be pronounced iv seems
to follow from the spelling u-u-i-m-7ii-e-pi (II, 72), which implies
that 2i77ii7ii was pronounced 11201721, and from the fact that fij has the
value of 721S we may perhaps infer that in IMitannian the word 7iis
signified "wood."
225
Ji-.NE 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGV. [1900.
HEBREW ILLUMINATED ^ISS. OF THE BIBLE
OF THE IXth and Xth CENTURIES.
By Dr. M. Gaster.
An ancient tradition preserved by Philo and Josephus tells us
that the Code of the Law sent by the high priest from Jerusalem to
Ptolomgeus Philadelphus was written in gold. The letters of the
whole text appeared in gold upon what must have been a coloured
background, probably a purple one, as we see it in other purple
MSS. But the stern austerity of the Law would not tolerate such an
embellishment, and a later tradition ascribes the loss of that
precious Scroll to its very elaborate form. Any embellishment
would produce the envy or cupidity of others, and thus contribute
to its profanation and ultimate loss. It was therefore enacted that
no other ink should be allowed, nor is it yet allowed for writing
the sacred Scroll of the Pentateuch, but plain vegetable ink. The
use of any colour at once reduces the Scroll to a profane text, and
prevents it from being used in the liturgical service of the Synagogue.
In the Treatise on the writing of the sacred Scroll, we find therefore
that it is distinctly forbidden to write the Scroll with gold, and it is
added, that in the Scroll of the Alexandrians the name of God was
written with gold. It was therefore ordered by the sages to be
declared apocryphal, or to be taken out of the Service (Mass.
Soferim I, § 10). One can see by this prescription that any
adornment of the plain text did not find favour with the Jews from
remote antiquity, although it would be difficult to assert, that the
same rigour was observed also when writing those texts, which
I call the vulgar or profane texts of the Bible.
There is a profound difference between the two classes of
biblical texts, which, to my knowledge, has not been sufficiently
recognised by students of the text of the Bible. A different treat-
ment is meted out to each of these two texts, the care bestowed upon
226
June 12J PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
the accuracy of writing and the ulterior preservation is not by any
means the same, and for this very reason their value for the critical
examination of the text is not to be placed on the same level.
The one is the Scroll containing only the simple text of the
Pentateuch without any addition whatsoever, without any points or
accents or notes, or with special signs for the chapters or subdivisions.
This is the text used in the Liturgy, it is kept with special reference,
is written with exceptional care and due preparation, and is guarded
against damage as far as human foresight can go. The other is
the text which is placed in everybody's hand. Though a certain
modicum of care is required also for the writing of these texts, it is
obvious that nothing like the care bestowed upon the sacred Scroll
is bestowed upon them. Mistakes will creep in, erasures when
necessary, changes and replacements of effaced portions are allowed,
and on the whole much more liberty is given to the copyist. This
latitude and the ease with which mistakes crept into such texts, will
explain the origin, growth and importance attributed to the Massora,
and the work of those scribes who devoted their lives to establish a
correct text. The discrepancy between the profane text and the
sacred will explain to a certain extent the differences which we
observe between the ancient translations and what we now call the
Massoretic text. Until this latter was firmly established, almost
everyone could claim to have a correct text of the Bible. These
were not yet texts corrected from one recognised standard. The
one in existence is the work of those Massoretic scholars who have
preserved to us the text, in the form in which we have it as a recog-
nised and authoritative text. Otherwise we should now be in the
possession of numerous redactions of the Hebrew text due wholly
and solely to the abitrary work of careless copyists.
It is now a question whether the stringent rules laid down for
the writing of the sacred Scroll were considered to be of authority
also with regard to the profane texts ? A fundamental deviation from
the Scroll was already the addition of points and vowel signs to the
latter, to which in time also Massoretic notes were added. And there
is one single allusion to the peculiar writing of the name of God thus
far found in the Talmud, which can only refer to such profane texts
(Tr. Sabbath, fol. 103/^). Not a trace, however, is to be found in
the whole Talmudic literature of the art of alluminations and minia-
tures so characteristic of Byzantine art, and of ancient MSS. of
which the famous Genesis of Vienna and the Cotton MS. in the
227
June 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCIL-EOLOGY. [1900.
British Museum are the oldest specimens. Painting of any kind
was never popular with the Jews, and it was considered in ancient
time as an ally of idolatrj'.
Illuminations, however, slowly found their way into the books of
Hebrew ritual. Those known belong to comparatively modern times,
commencing from the Xllth or Xlllth century. The Bible itself
even in the profane form, has thus far retained the ancient austerity.
In time the Massoretic notes which were written round the text,
assumed the elaborate form of interlaced work, or were grouped in
the form of flowers, but this only in very rare instances. In a few-
cases of elegant writing it was encased in black borders, no other
kind of ink being used. And, therefore, judging by the facts known
hitherto, one would have been perfectly justified in asserting that
the Hebrew text of the Bible has never been illuminated, i.e.,
ornamented in any shape or form except with those few Massoretical
interlacings ; and if there were any in existence with a few gold or
other illuminated initials, that these belonged to the Xlllth century
or to a later time. For only from that time on, illuminations enter
into Hebrew MS., mostly under the influence of Spanish, Italian, and
French schools of art. Profusely illustrated are only the Prayer Hooks,
such as the MS. British Museum Add. 11,639 ^i"**^ similar in various
libraries. The Haggadah for the Passover ritual is next in order of
profuse illustrations, most of them following one single original,
which later on has been reproduced by woodcuts in printed
editions ; and lastly, the Book of Esther has also been the object
of this art of illuminations. There are a few other books, contain-
ing either ritual prescriptions or prayers, which have also been illu-
minated, but almost all are of a comparatively modern origin, and
with few exceptions the product of European artists. Of ancient
literature very little has come down to us. The old Scrolls have
with few exceptions disappeared, mostly in consequence of the
custom of burying them as soon as, through long wear, they had
become unfit for the service in the Synagogue. All the old MSS.
of the Bible still in existence belong without excejjtion to the other
class of texts, namely, the profane, and some of them are to a
certain extent so-called model codices, from which the sacred Scrolls
were written by the copyist.
Many of these are so arranged that they correspond, line for
line, with the lines of the sacred Scrolls, and although in pages,
they correspond, to a certain extent, to the columns of the ScroM.
22S
June 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
The well known initial letters ^T^X^ 'n'^'2 for certain columns of
the Scroll are to be found also in these MSS., though written on
pages. These pages are often arranged in such a manner as to
correspond each with a half column. This fact is of very great im-
portance, for the graphical character of some of these model codices
has hitherto not been sufficiently studied by any one. It would not
be easy to say what place these MSS. occupy in the chronological
order of biblical MSS. Do these represent an ancient form sanctioned
or arranged from antiquity for the Scroll, or that one which is the
outcome of later legislation, enacted for the purpose of guarding the
writing of those Scrolls from inaccuracies ? In the latter case they
would represent only the more recent tradition of the Massorites
and Talmudical legislators, and not be regarded as ancient. We
must further inquire whether these model Codices have vowel signs
and other diacritical marks of a more recent origin, or only the
text pure and simple, exactly as it appears, in the Scroll, without any
further addition? In this case we might assume that they repre-
sent the oldest tradition, and served as direct, true models for the
writing, following only ancient tradition. MSS. of both categories
are known to exist, those of the latter being the fewest in number
and the most scarce. In fact I cannot say that I have seen or
heard of many, except that old Codex of mine (Cod. Or. Gaster
No. 85), which differs completely in its writing from all the other
biblical MSS. known throughout the world. The question raised
now by me is not an idle one, as it is all-important to get some
guidance in the estimation of such MSS. and of their critical value.
One thing is certain, all these MSS. which follow the graphical order
of the Scroll are more or less old. In more recent MSS. the date
is difficult to tix, but I would say from the Xlllth century on, this
order is abandoned, being felt probably as a tie by the copyist,
especially when he included the whole canon of the Scriptures in
his copy.
There exists, besides, another series of ancient Biblical Codices,
entirely independent of the Scroll, not following its order of columns
and lines or initials, and totally differently arranged. These are
written mostly in three very narrow columns on each page, and
rather a broad space is left free between these columns, evidently
for the purpose of inserting there Massoretic notes. To this class
belong, thus far, all the Codices that are known and considered
to be the most ancient. There is not 07ie among them with two
229
June 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1900.
columns on the page. The three-columned codices are, the Fragment
of the Pentateuch in the British Museum, the famous Codex Baby-
lonicus, the Codex from Cairo, if my information is correct, and the
peculiar Codex of the Prophets from Karasubazar, dating probably
from the middle of the IXth century. We shall see later on that
this date, which has been doubted by Strack and Plarkavy, seems
to be correct, as given by Chwolson. All these Codices belong
to the IXth or Xth century, that of Cairo inclusive, in spite of the
objection raised by Dr. Neubauer.
To the same class belongs my own Codex No. 150, a large
folio volume consisting now only of thirty-seven leaves, from all the
five books of the Pentateuch. The writing is almost identical with
the MS. of the British Museum and the Codex Petropolitan, but
of a more archaic character. The real difficulty in studying such
ancient texts without dates, is to find those peculiarities which give us
the clue for the age of that MS. The only systematic work in that
direction thus far is the exhaustive study made by Prof. Chwolson,
in his Corpus Inscriptio7iiim Helu-aicariiiu^ St. Petersburg, 1882,
accompanied by a large number of facsimiles from ancient inscrip-
tions on tombs and reproductions of a great number of ancient
Codices, some of which have the dates on them. Foremost is the
Codex of 916, about which there is no doubt. Then there are
other Codices, which have been in the possession of the late
Firkowitch, and are suspected as to the authenticity of their
epigraphs, it being well known that he had tampered with some.
Among the somewhat doubtful, is the one already alluded to,
hailing from Karasubazar, which dates, apparently, from about 830.
This date has been doubted. If we, however, study the writing
and compare it with that of the MS. of the British Aluseum, the
date of which is assumed to be the middle of the IXth century, we
shall be struck by the great similarity that exists between these two
and one other Codex in my possession, which has some of the
peculiarities in common with that text quite specially. I will revert
later on to this MS.
The writing of my Codex Or. 150 is, however, very closely allied
to the Codex Petroplitanus and to the MS. of the British Museum,
having in common with them all the characteristics which mark
the antiquity of these Codices. Chwolson has pointed them out,
and all are found here, if anything, more marked still. I will only
mention the most prominent, although every letter has the archaic
230
June 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
form. Nim and Zain are both extremely small, a feature that
disappears in later Codices. He is closed up and not open as we
know it, the only difference between He and Heth in the MS. being
that the vertical line on top protrudes beyond the left foot in the He
and not in the Heth. The Mem is not finished on the left side,
and the final m is scarcely discernible from Saniech. The very long
neck of the Lamed with a small stroke to the left on top. Vai)
and Yod are almost of the same length, and the latter ( Yod) looks
like a half circle. 'Ain is bent inwardly, and the Sade has a peculiar
form. The lower stroke under Gimcl, of a very prominent form,
is almost a straight line, and often runs under the following letter,
as is also the case with N'uti. The left foot of the Taic has a
similar form ; altogether one cannot fail to be struck by the
identity of these letters with the most ancient MSS. which we know.
Another point which has not hitherto been observed by anyone
studying Hebrew Palaeography — at any rate I am not aware of it
having been done — is, that in the most ancient Codices of the Bible
we do not find those extended forms of letters which we find in so
many recent MSS. In these the copyist resorted to an expedient
whenever he found that he could not fill the line without dividing
the word. This is not permitted, so, in order to fill out the line,
he lengthened some of the letters. In the old texts we find instead
either one or two dots or perpendicular small strokes, or the first
two letters of the following word, in which case the second letter
is represented merely by a part of it. Through this filling up of the
lines by means of letters from words in the following line, repetitions
or dittographies have crept into the text, and this system was
abandoned in later times. In my MS. 150, as well as in all the
other old MSS., we do not find any trace of such lengthened
letters, but instead, marks and parts of letters as I have just
mentioned. The first trace of such lengthened letters I find in the
Epigraph of Cod. Tshufutkale 36 {C/nuo/son, No. 106), dating from
930. An epoch of transition between the two systems must have
supervened when both were used alternately. It would be important
to follow up this question much further.
A short Massora accompanies our text, just as is the case in
those other ancient MSS., but it is only scanty compared with
that which accompanies later MSS. The so-called Massora Parva is
inserted between the lines, and parts of the Massora marginalis are
to be found on the upper and lower margin.
231
June 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCiL-liOLOGY. [1900.
But palaeographic reasons alone would not exhaust the extreme
value of this MS. It is not only carefully written in three columns to
each page, 24 lines to each column, with Massoretic notes, with vowels
and accents, and the division of the text into sections, indicating
at each section the number of verses in it, and at the end of each
book that of the whole, but, and above all, because it has illuminations
throughout, executed in the finest manner, and carefully worked
out. Each page is enclosed in a frame consisting of five lines in
blue or black and one of gold. Between the columns there are in
each space three small rosettes, the middle one being somewhat
larger, and on all the pages, almost equally arranged so as to divide
the space between the columns into equal sections. These
rosettes vary in different pages, and are very carefully drawn and
filled with gold. They are sometimes small circles and circlets
divided into six or eight intersecting parts and small blue ringlets
at the extremities. In other places they are a kind of a central
star surrounded by polygonal drawings, and enclosed in a blue
circle, the centre being always red, and the whole filled with gold.
Similar rosettes are sometimes placed inside the text, where in our
editions are to be found the smaller empty spaces known as
" Setumoth." At the commencement of the weekly division of the
text they sometimes stand in a row of three. In the middle of the
outer margin there were, and in some instances one can still see,
large beautiful designs of flowers and other ornaments, often on a
blue rich ground, and filled with gold and red, all of exquisite work-
manship. The leaves of the MS. have, however, been in the hands
of vandals, as in most of the pages the central portion of the outer
border has been torn and otherwise mutilated. This has also
happened to many of the illuminations inside the text. Sufficient
however has remained to allow us to form an opinion as to the
richness and beauty of the original. Nothing like it is known to
exist, and this is so far the first instance of ancient Hebrew Bibles
with illuminations.
Many a question arises now out of the study of these illuminations.
Firstly, were they added afterwards, or were they originally in the
MS., i.e., contemporary with the writing of the Hebrew ? There is
no difficulty in answering this question. The lines on the border,
and of the internal divisions between the columns are older than the
writing, for this passes, in many instances, over those lines, and the
letters obliterate the line of the border. The reverse would have
232
June 12] TROCEEDINGS. [1900.
taken place had it been that the writing was older, for then these
would have obliterated the text. The next question is as to the
country in which these illuminations were made ? From the writing
of the text, we cannot form any definite opinion as to the country
of the original. It might just as well have been written in Palestine,
as in Syria or in ancient Babylon. The character of the MSS. from
all those countries is almost the same. The Text may have
been written in Palestine, but it is somewhat difficult to account
for these illuminations. The Byzantine style as shown in those
MSS. of Genesis mentioned above, or in the famous Cosmas,
is totally different from the motives which we find in our MS.
I'hese resemble completely the designs found a little later in
Persian MSS. There are no Persian illuminated MSS. as old as
our text, and we must draw our inferences from later specimens.
But the style and the technique are absolutely identical. In MSS.
of the Qoran written in Persia we find some of these ornaments,
flowers and rosettes interspersed in the text, and borders of a similar
nature surrounding it. But, as I said, these are all much more
modern than our Bible. The local provenance of this MS. favours
a Persian origin of the illuminations. It comes from the neighbour-
hood of ancient Babylon, and the history of the Jews in Babylon
is an additional proof in its favour. Such a MS. could only have
been written for a very exalted personage. Men of this kind did not
exist in Palestine crushed as the Jews were under the rule of
Byzance, and impoverished through the rush of the hordes from
Arabia. Only in Babylon were there men of prominent standing.
In the first place, the descendant from the Royal House of David,
occupying the position of prince and acknowledged political head
of the Jews, rich, powerful, at times a Maecenas, and certainly the
right person for whom such a MS. could be written. There were,
also, the heads of the Colleges enjoying great reputation, but not so
much blessed with worldly possessions as the Prince of the Exile.
These practically cease to exist towards the end of the loth century,
and if, therefore, my conjectures are correct, that the MS. belongs
to the 9th or loth century, and if it was either written or illuminated
in ancient Babylon, we may then safely assume that it may have
belonged to one of these Princes, and is now a precious relic of
bygone greatness.
But this has not come alone to us. Together with this fragment
of what once must have been a magnificent copy of the Pentateuch,
233 T
June 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHi-EOLOGY. [19C0.
I possess also fragments of a no less remarkable MS. of the
Hagiographa, also of a similar date, and covered with beautiful
illuminations, but of a totally different character. This MS. contains
a portion of the Book of Psalms (close upon thirty Psalms), and
some of the leaves on parts of Proverbs, Ruth, and Ecclesiastes.
They also have marginal Massoretic notes, but this text is not divided
into columns. Only the Psalms are written in the form of hemy-
stichs, a blank space dividing each line into two not equal halves.
This text (my Cod. Or. 151), as well as that of the Pentateuch (Cod.
150), follow the Massoretic tradition known as that of Ben Asher. He
certainly cannot be looked upon as the author of this system, but
only as the best known exponent of it, who probably has summed
up and systematised the work of generations before him. In our
MS. we find in Ps. Ixii, 4, the name of R. Pinehas " Rosh
Yeshibah," the "Mahazora rabba," as well as the "Bene Tiberia,"
all predecessors to Ben Asher. I may mention by the way that this
very passage occurs in Norzi's Massoretic Commentary to the very
same verse in Psalms, the source of which was hitherto unknov.-n ;
he had probably taken it from a similar MS. The name of
R. Pinehas occurs also in the Dikduke Soferini, ed. Baer and Strack,
p. 14, as one of the old Massorites, before Ben Asher.
The blank space between the verses and round the titles of the
Psalms, as well as the blank lines between the text in Ecclesiastes,
are filled in with most curious illuminations in gold. Floral patterns
and patterns of circles and leaves, of small spirals and buds are inter-
woven very curiously. Round the margins, there are not only small
circles of gold, and bands consisting of the same patterns as those
inside the text, but also in various places other patterns of decoration
such as beads, geometrical figures and spirals. The two corners of
the outside border are ornamented with large flowers in gold and
dark blue. These decorations are, however, throughout totally
unlike those of the Pentateuch. Yet there cannot be any doubt as
to the identical origin of the two MSS. Not only do they come
from the same locality, but everything points to a common origin.
These are thus far the only specimens of ancient Hebrew book
illuminations, and they open up a vista of an art of which nothing
had hitherto been known to have flourished among the Jews of
those times. They show also, that at a certain time such MSS. were
appreciated, which denotes a high standard of culture and richness.
The patterns are more like Egyptian than Persian, and still less
234
June 12] TROCEEDINGS. [1900.
connected with Byzantine art. In this respect these MSS. are also of
the highest importance for the history of oriental illuminations, and
more especially of that which flourished in Egypt and Persia, and
which in later tmies was transplanted to India. These are thus far the
oldest si^ecimens in existence. This would be one addition more to
those things which were saved from destruction through their connec-
tion with Jewish literature. These and two other ancient MSS. in
my possession (Codd. 149 and 152), containing fragments of the
Pentateuch and Hagiographa of a similar date, very much like
Codd. 150 and 151 in their external form, are at the same time as
many new additions to the limited number of ancient Biblical MSS.
There is one point more on which I wish to dwell, namely,
the peculiar fact, that the form of writing of the Pentateuch
MS., and of the Codex Babylonicus and those identical with them,
seems to have been transplanted in later times to Spain. Ancient
Spanish Hebrew Codices show a great similarity with this peculiar
form, which to all intents and purposes may be put down as the old
Palestinian, although one or another of these MS. may have been
actually written elsewhere. The scribe must have served his
apprenticeship in Palestine, or have been trained under a master
from that country, which was the recognised home of the study of
the Bible and the Massorah ; or he may have emigrated from Palestine
to other countries, where he found better remuneration for his work.
Spain seems to have been in closer contact with Palestine, and to
have inherited many a thing directly from that country, thus
the Prayer Book and the Jerusalemitan Talmud, as well as many
special Midrashim. The writing in Yemen shows also a striking
resemblance to this form which I call the Palestinian. This is in
perfect harmony with the results to which I have obtained from the
study of the literary monuments from Yemen. The Jews in South
Arabia were, according to my investigation, indissolubly connected
with the schools of Tiberias, and received their whole literature,
in ancient times, directly from Palestine, and not from Babylon
as has hitherto been assumed. The superlinear system of vocalisation^
preserved mostly in MSS. coming from Yemen, is, to my mind, of
Fakstifiian origin, and from that country comes therefore also the
so called Codex Babylonicus in St. Petersburg, which I have called
here regularly Codex Petropolitamis. There is no trace of Babylonia
in it, but that name had been given to the Codex in consequence
of the misnomer " Nikkud Asuri " having been applied to that
235 T 2
June 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1900.
system of vocalisation which had been translated falsely, "Assyrian,"
hence "Babylonian." In fact, however, it is just as little Babylonian
as the form of Hebrew letters called in the Talmud "Asuri," which
means the square characters.* The true home of that Codex will
therefore have to be sought for in Palestine, and the misnomer of
Babylonian System of Vocalisation, which is incorrect and mis-
leading, may henceforth be dropped.
The other Codex of the Pentateuch in my possession {Cod.
Hehr., No. 149) resembles, as already remarked, on the one hand
Cod. 150 and the Codex of the British JNluseum, but deviates a
little from both, and approaches the peculiar form of the MS. of
Karasubazar. The peculiarity common to these two MSS. is that
some of the letters commence to lose their straight form and
become somewhat undulating, wavy, as if the writers avoided right
angles. Now this form of Hebrew writing appears in France, from
the XHth century on, and is probably still older. If there were
older French MSS. I have no doubt that we would, find in them the
same form of writing. It is also that of the Jews in England of the
pre-expulsion period.
Hebrew science in France has from very ancient times been
connected directly with the high schools in Babylon and, it is more
than once asserted that teachers from Babylon had visited France.
It is too wide a subject to be treated here in any manner approaching
its importance, but it is at any rate a very peculiar coincidence that
cannot be the result of mere chance. If it were standing alone,
chance might be invoked, although it could by no means explain
the double coincidence in the writing of Spain with the Palestinian,
and that of France with that other which I call the Babyhmian,
for this seems to be the origin of that kind of writing. But through
the whole history of Jewish literature, one can discern this double
stream of tradition, and it is therefore only natural to find the same
parallellism now corroborated also by ancient Hebrew palasography.
In this manner these MSS. contribute, by their illuminations,
to the elucidation of an obscure chapter in Jewish art, and, by
the character of the writing, to the history of Hebrew calligraphy.
They moreover throw an unexpected light upon the close relation,
in every detail, in which the Jews of Europe stood to the communi-
ties of Palestine and Babylon. I must leave it for another occasion
to give in detail the yield of these MSS. for the text of the Bible.
* V. Levy, "Talmud Worth.," s.v., I, 181.
236
June 12] TROCEEDINGS. [1900.
I will limit my remarks to a few instances. Both MSS. belong
to the Western Recension, that of Palestine. In the Pentateuch as
well as in the Hagiographa the Massoretic notes of the Massora
Parva and Marginalis are comparatively less in number than in later
texts. So far as the Pentateuch is concerned not one single note
refers to the vowels in the Massora Parva, and but three to accents.
In the Massora Marginalis in one instance the vowels are given for
all the parallels and variations. In the small Massora we find not
only the terms " Mehalephin " and " Sebir," but also in one instance
instead of the term " Sebir " noted in other MSS. it is replaced by
the term Tl'^h I'Tn (^-d- Deut. xxxi, 20). Of a similar character
are the Massoretic notes in the Hagiographa, but many more
interesting notes are in the margin, such as the quotation from the
" Mahazora rubba " (to Ps. Ixii, 4), differing from that in Ginsburg's
edition. Similarly we find to Ps. Ixi, 3, the marginal gloss :
V\yy2i '^^"li^ 'D'2- Ginsburg has : ''^'^C* It is an hitherto unknown model
Codex called "Adonai"! Ps. ci, 3, has no Keri for "rTli^i^"
and □''tSD instead of DiIOXl!' in the text.
More interesting than these variations, which can easily be
multiplied, is the curious fact, that we find here some of the Mas-
soretic Marginal notes on top and at the bottom of the page written
with the vowel signs of the superlinear system of Vocalisation, side
by side with the other system. The words thus punctuated are
quotations from the Bible, and similar quotations on the same leaf
(fol. yi), have the usual vowel signs. The same occurs in the parallel
Codex (No. 152), written probably by the same hand, but without
any illuminations. There also on fol. 22a and fol. 231:? the superlinear
system is used side by side wuh the infralinear. The Massorites of
one school were evidently well acquainted also with the other system,
and did not hesitate to use both. They must have assumed like
knowledge also among the readers of these MSS.
Five years have elapsed since the foregoing paper was written
and read before the Society for Biblical Archaeology ; since that
time many fragments of old Hebrew MSS. have come to light from
the Genizah of the old Fostat close to Cairo. A large number of
these fragments have come into my possession, and among them have
I found one small fragment of a MSS. similar to the above. It is
quite minute, but it suffices to show the existence of at least one
more Hebrew Codex of Psalms with floral decorations and with gold
237
June 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1900.
painting. This gold is not the same as in the other Texts ; it is
leaf-gold. The fragment measures about 4^^ in. by 3 in. One can still
detect on the obverse in the middle of Ps. cv, 26, a small trace, and
on the edge of the reverse a beautiful border with a flower in the
centre and some floral decoration at the beginning of Ps. cvi. As
each line is equivalent with one verse, it is obvious that the whole
page contained originally 19 lines and formed a small but illuminated
Quarto. At the foot there is a trace of a Massoretic note and the
division is also marked on the margin with "Samech." Originally
the leaf must have contained Ps. cv, 22-Ps. cvi, 7.
For completeness' sake and in order to follow up as far as possible
the origin of these motives of decoration, I have added a few
specimens of ink decorations somewhat similar to the golden, found
in other fragments from the Genizah,
Among the Caraite MSS. of the British Museum there is one of
the tenth century (Or 2540), containing fragments of the Hebrew
Pentateuch, written however in the Arabic character, not in the usual
Hebrew. The text is accompanied by vowels and a primitive set of
accents. In this probably the oldest known specimen of an Arabic-
Hebrew text, written very likely for a Caraite prince, we find a few
gold ornaments and illuminations similar to those of the Hagiographa.
The same form of leaves and of geometrical ornamentation occurs
in this Arabic Pentateuch as in the other MS., but they are much
smaller and very few in number. Not one of them resembles the
rosettes and the other ornaments of the Hebrew Pentateuch, except
the fact that the Codex of the British Museum has also a floral large
decoration in the middle of the page, on the edge of the first leaf
just as is the case with my Codex 150. The colours are less vivid
and fewer in number and the gold used is merely leaf-gold, as in the
small fragment of Psalms. The copyist of the British Museum MS.
had already deviated entirely from the old rules prescribed for writing
the Sacred Scriptures. The Text is transliterated in Arabic characters,
and one can understand that under such conditions he felt justified
to add also illuminations. Hebrew Biblical Texts with illuminations
are thus far only those of which two full pages are given here in
facsimile, together with the reproduction of most of the ornaments
found in the other pages.
One small incident may now be mentioned in conclusion.
It so happened that I had left these MSS. with Messrs Vincent
Brooks, Day and Co., for some length of time in order to prepare
238
June 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
the facsimiles. They had been with the firm upwards of two years,
when I suddenly was seized with the fear that they were exposed to
the danger of being destroyed by fire. So strong was that feeling,
that I went straight to the place with the intention of getting the
MSS. back. On the way I allowed myself to be persuaded that I
was needlessly exciting myself, and I left the MSS. where they were.
This happened on the Friday before Easter, 1898. On Monday
morning the first item which struck my eyes when opening " The
Times" newspaper, was the report that the premises of Messrs Vincent
Brooks, Day and Co., had been burned down in the night of Sunday
to Monday. The MSS. had been placed in a safe in the office of
the building, and the access was almost impossible. For two days
the fate of the MS. was uncertain. But when we were able to
penetrate to the safe, to our great delight the MSS., round which
the fire must have played, were found intact. I trust that this has
been the last ordeal to which they have been exposed in their
long life of close upon one thousand years, and that a place may
soon be found where they will remain safe from danger as far as
human foresight can devise.
239
June 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCFL-EOLOGY. [1900.
A SAMARITAN SCROLL OF THE HEBREW
PENTATEUCH.
By Dr. M. Caster.
L^p to a short time ago not a single copy of the Hebrew Samaritan
Text of the Pentateuch in Scroll-form was known to exist outside
the Samaritan community in Nablus. The codices of this text
which had reached Europe from the XVHth century, on and upon
which the edition in the Paris and the London Polyglott rests, were
all, without exception, in Book-form. In the first Appendix to
Nutt's edition of the " Fragments of a Samaritan Targum " which
appeared in 1874, Prof Harkavy was still able to write as follows :
" In the year 1870, the Russian Minister of public worship purchased
from the well-known Karaite traveller and archreologist, Abraham
Firkowitsch, his collection of Samaritan MSS. for the Imperial
Library of St. Petersburg. It consists almost exclusively of frag-
ments ; this circumstance arising from the fact that the collector,
during his stay in Nablus and Egypt, completely ransacked the
Samaritan Genizoth (that is to say, the garrets and cellars of the
synagogues, whither their worn-out books were conveyed), thus
acquiring several fragments of Samaritan Pentateuch rolls — none of
which have before this, to the writer's knowledge, ever reached Europe"
Later on, in classifying the materials purchased from Firkowitsch,
Harkavy says the first division will consist of " fragments be-
longing to twenty-seven parchment Pentateuch rolls. None of this
kind, as has been already remarked, have hitherto been discovered
in any European library, all the existing ones being in the shape of
books ; the reason of this appears to be that the Samaritans hold
such rolls as especially sacred, from their being intended for use in
the Synagogues, and so will part with them for no sum, however
large, to those of another faith." And further on : " Be this as it
may, these fragments have been till now the only ones known in
Europe, and so they are of considerable importance for explaining
to us how the Samaritans write the Sacred Law for use in Divine
240
June 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
worship. Unfortunately, as might have been guessed from the
place where they were found, they are for the most part in bad
condition, and as Samaritan palaeography is not yet in a condition to
decide with certainty upon the age of an undated MS., it is only
such as contain dated epigraphs whose age can be without doubt
ascertained. Only six of the fragments contain such notices, and
only three of this number have their dates perfect ; one (No. 4)
was written (A.H. 599=) 1202-3; another (No. 10) in (A.H.
605 =) 1208-9; the third (No. 15) in (A.H. 808 =) 1405 : it is,
however, quite certain that several other fragments in the collection
belong to a much earlier age. It is interesting to notice the way
in which the Samaritans insert these epigraphs in the Pentateuchs.
For this purpose the column of text in the roll or page of the book
is divided down the middle by two perpendicular lines, the interval
between the lines being left vacant, except for the insertion of such
letters from the text as serve the writer to compose the epigraph."
This extract from Prof. Harkavy's note is of extreme value, as
it shows that up to 1870 no scroll of the Samaritan-Hebrew text
was known to exist in any library in Europe. The importance of
the scroll has not been sufficiently gauged by Harkavy, and the
value which this form of sacred writing of the Text of the Bible has
for the study of ancient palaeography. He has, furthermore, omitted
to touch upon the relation in which the Samaritan Scroll stands to
the Hebrew Scroll of the Jews.
Since that time a few fragments have been incorporated into
the library of the British Museum, and one has come into my
possession. The oldest fragment in the British Museum is ascribed
to the XHth or Xlllth century, it contains Num. xvi, i-xxvi, 22,
altogether eleven chapters (Or. 2686).
Before describing my own fragment, which reaches from Deut.
xxvii, I up to the End of the Pentateuch, it is necessary to dwell
more fully on the iniportance which this text in the Scroll-form has
for the study of Biblical archaeology in general, and for the internal
history of the sacred scrolls of the Pentateuch in particular. Prof.
Harkavy has drawn attention merely to the fact that, through these
unique fragments we are now in a better position to ascertain the
way in which the Samaritans wrote their sacred Scroll. But the
Samaritans must have followed older examples, and in the com-
parison with such lies, to m.y mind, the greatest value of the Scroll
of the Samaritan recension.
241
June 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1900.
Another point of no mean importance which claims the attention
of the Bible student, is that up to now the comparison between the
Hebrew text of the Samaritan recension as such, with that of the Jews,
not from the graphical side, but from that of the text carried out by
the scholars of the last two centuries has been based exclusively on
the Book-form, no Scroll being available for that purpose. In
my study on the Illuminated Bibles I have taken occasion to
accentuate the essential difference which exists between the Book-
form and the Scroll. The former is the profane text, left in the
hands of the people for any use they choose to make of it, not
hedged in by any of the numerous prescriptions which hold good
only and solely in the case of the Scroll. The Books are not
used in religious service, nay, they are distinctly forbidden to be
made use of in that way. The Book becoming the " Vulgate,"'
will easily be corrupted, mistakes will creep in, and even the most
accurate injunctions and directions given by the authors of the
Massora have not prevented corruptions from getting into these
texts. Not so, however, is the condition of the Scroll, which is used
in the religious service. Most stringent directions are laid down for
the scribe ; he must pay scrupulous attentions to them, and the
community which is to make use of these Scrolls is guided by
similar laws. The slightest deviation from these laws at once annuls
the sacred character of the text, and unless speedily corrected — as
long as such corrections are compatible with the character of the
passage, and they do not extend beyond certain minute defects,
none of any grave import — the Scroll is at once removed from the
service.
Anxious to obtain the most accurate version of such a text,
we must necessarily turn to the only source where we have reason
to expect of finding it least tainted by faults of scribes, and pre-
served in as perfect a manner as possible. For these reasons the
comparison between the two recensions of the Hebrew text must
be taken up anew, and carried out, not as hitherto, with the aid
of the Book, but with that of the Scrolls of the Pentateuch. As far
as I am aware, no such Scroll has yet been published, and it is there-
fore difficult to say in what relation the Book-form stands to the Scroll.
It cannot be doubted that of the two the Scroll is the earlier, and that
the Book-form depends entirely upon the Scroll, which is the more
accurate, for it is sacred. The Book will unquestionably contain the
most characteristic readings of the Scroll, but the number of devia-
242
June 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
tions of the Samaritan from the ]\Iassoretic text is so great, and so
large a proportion of these deviations have been shown to be due
to scribes' errors and to later attempts to improve the text, that a
new revision is indispensable. Only then when this has been
carried out with minute accuracy, shall we be in a position to
ascertain with some versimilitude the true relation between the two
recensions of the Hebrew text.
Even the text of the Book is not invariably the same, as is well
known. I have compared some leaves from Hebrew-Samaritan
Pentateuchs in my possession, of extreme antiquity, at least as old as
Cod. Or. 1443 British Museum (XHIth century), if not older, with
the printed Samaritan text of the Pentateuch in the London
Polyglott, and even therein have I found differences. How much
more likely is it then to anticipate similar results from a comparison
between the Books and the Scrolls? I might mention on this
occasion that I possess Dr. Kennicott's copy of the Samaritan text
which he had cut out from the Polyglott, and interleaved, and to
which he has added some marginal notes.
But before proceeding to the textual criticism, the graphical
aspect claims special consideration. Among the Jews a peculiar
code of laws obtains, the antiquity of which is somewhat difficult to
establish, which regulates the correct writing of the Scroll for the use
in the Synagogue. IMost minute regulations are laid down, and
detailed injunctions are formulated, for the writing of such a Scroll.
The material, the ink, the size, the form of each letter, and in each
case the exceptions from these rules are all carefully noted. The
blemishes which would annul the validity of such a Scroll, the way
how to mend them, and a clear statement of the mistakes which
are considered irreparable. We have then rules as to the number
of letters and lines on each column, the spacing of the letters and of
the lines, the margin which is allowed to each column, the minor
divisions of the text, and the final form of the Book or Scroll ; the
way in which the Song of Moses in Deuteronomy and in Exodus are
to be written, each in a distinct form of alternating hemistyches.
To all these questions, and many more that belong to the
hitherto neglected chapter of Biblical palaeography, the Book-form
is unable to give any satisfactory answer. Some of the more
important elements, such as the divisions of the text, on which
I shall have to dwell later on, are retained, to a certain extent,
by the Book ; but even herein have I been able to find serious
243
June 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGY. [igco.
divergences between the MS. of the British Museum and the
corresponding portion in the Scroll, notably in the writing of
Deuteronomy, chapter xxxii. Of minor points I mention that the
signs, dots, etc., at the end of the verse, and those that are found
in some instances in the middle, differ also greatly in MSS.
It is evident that in copying the text from the Scroll on to a leaf
neither the line nor the column have been reproduced with any fidelity.
We moreover never find the text written in two or three columns to
the pages, as is the case with the oldest MSS. of the Jewish Book-
recension. The form adopted in some Books is the line across
the whole page. However insignificant these details may appear,
they have their importance, they form part of the history of the
Bible in its transmission from ancient times, and though apparently
touching merely the outward side, they show even in these minor
points whether the scribe remained uninfluenced by the currents
of the day in which he wrote, and may therefore be trusted, or
whether he followed the example of the Greek or the Roman, the
Syrian or Arabian scribe. Did he preserve the ancient tradition
faithfully, or was he influenced by extraneous examples ? and if it
be an ancient tradition, did he, in the case of a Samaritan, follow a
tradition akin to that which held sway among the Jews ? or had he
an independent tradition to guide him in preparing a saaxd Scroll ?
Identity between the two would at once show the extreme antiquity
of such a tradition.
The difficulties in the path of such an inquiry are great. In the
first instance Jewish Scrolls of the Law are not dated, and I even
doubt whether the Samaritan have any dates. The remark of
Harkavy which I quoted above is vague, and may refer only to the
Book-form, and not to the Scroll. Of the fragments of the latter, as
far as I have been able to ascertain, with the exception of my own
MS., there is none in the British Museum and in the Bodleian
containing the final portion of the Pentateuch, usually the place for
such an epigraph. Very old Scrolls of the Law, in order to save
them from possible profanation, have as a rule been buried, or, what
is tantamount to burial, they have been hidden away in a secret
place in or near the Synagogue, the " Genizah " from which those
fragments in St. Petersburg and elsewhere have since emerged. From
the moment that so-called "Model-codices" were endowed with vowel
signs and accents, they could no longer serve as Originals for the
writing of a sacred Scroll. Such texts would nmch more mislead than
244
June 12] PROCEEDINGS. [igco
lead. If a text is to serve as a " model" for the Scroll, it must be
the bare text of the Pentateuch without any addition whatsoever.
Everything in the shape of point or accent is rigorously excluded
from the Scroll. No trace of verses or chapters, with the exception
of those divisions of which I shall speak presently, is allowed ; and
great attention is paid to the arrangement of the columns and lines.
The " model " must represent the very copy of the Law as it appears
in the Scroll, and must be, if possible, written in such a manner as
to provide all the required elements for a perfect copy. The scribe
has only to follow that model faithfully in order to obtain an accurate
sacred Scroll. Of such "model" codices, which are thus entirely
different from the famous Massoretic Codices of Ben Asher, or other
leading authorities, and wrongly called by that name, scarcely one
single old copy seems to have been preserved.
Of the Standard MSS. of the Pentateuch mentioned by Dr.
Ginsburg in his " Introduction to the Bible" (p. 429 ff ), the majority
have disappeared. As far as one can judge by the quotations, they
seem to have belonged mostly to the Massoretic type, and to have
contained vowels and accents and Massoretic marginal notes. It
is not unlikely, however, that one or the other, such as the
" Jerusalemitan " and the " Jeriho " Codex, and above all the Codex
" Ezra," may have been such " Standard " codices ; but in the
absence of more ample evidence it is impossible to go any further.
The reference of Maimonides to the famous Codex so often cor-
rected by Ben Asher (Hilkhoth Sefer Torah, ch. viii), proves this
" Model " or Standard Codex to have been also one of those codices
in Book-form, and not a Scroll, as it contained all the books of the
Bible, Pentateuch, Prophets, and Hagiographa. Maimonides relied
on it for the correct readings and for other details connected with
the internal accuracy of the Scroll, but he could not have used it
as a "Model codex" to copy his Scroll from it directly. He expressly
states that " he relied in all these things on the copy so well known
in Egypt, which contained the twenty-four books of the Bible, and
had formerly been in Jerusalem, where they used to correct their
Scrolls in accordance with its readings, as Ben Asher had corrected
it and gone over it many times, improving it." No such correction
would be tolerated in the Scroll. A Scroll written by some great
authority may have occasionally served as a Model for another, but
the difficulty of handling such a sacred Scroll, and the danger of
injury were so great that the experiment, if ever made, would
245
June 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII/EOLOGV. [19CO
certainly not be often repeated. Profane model codices must have
existed, and there can be no doubt as to such guides and models
from very ancient times, which exhibited all the peculiarities of the
Hebrew Text, such as used in the Scroll of the Synagogue. They
have perished, through the constant use to which they have been
])ut, and with them some of those old traditions. Since the dis-
covery of printing such a " Tiqqun," as it is called, has often been
printed to serve as a guide to the scribe, the last printed is one pre-
pared and published by the well-known Massoretic scholar, the late
Dr. Baer. The lines in some of these prints are so arranged as to
correspond entirely with the prescriptions holding good for the Scroll
In spite of the extreme anxiety to preserve it as correct as
possible, various traditions developed ; some of them embodied in
the Massorah, others alluded to in ancient writings, or found in
such Model codices. They refer to " scriptio plena" and "de-
fectiva," to Open (nniriQ) and Closed Sections (HT^inD), to the
form in which the Songs of Moses in Exodus and in Deuteronomy
were to be written. Minor or greater discrepancies and differences
in tradition led to the desire of having one Standard codex of the Law.
Maimonides tried to establish one; others did the same. In this
process some of the old peculiarities have disappeared. Should I
be spared to publish the only old Model Codex of the Pentateuch
which has preserved among other things those " Tittles," which
have disappeared from our Scrolls as far back as the time of
Maimonides, I may then dilate on this change and on many
others, and treat then of the origin of the Scroll which obtains
in all the Synagogues of Europe. It is an interesting chapter
in the history of the Bible, which has escaped hitherto the investi-
gations of the scholars. In the endeavour to establish such a
Standard Codex, the best and oldest texts available were laid under
contribution at that time, and a new Model or Standard MS.
was then established. The old tradition was most faithfully pre-
served, only differences adopted by different schools of Massorites
were to a certain extent adjusted, and certain graphical details
omitted. No new elements were introduced, and the old tradition
concerning the Law in the form of a Scroll, which goes back to
the time prior to the introduction of the Accents and Vowels,
is faithfully reflected in this, the latest model Codex.
The first known attempt to fix the tradition goes back to the
Vllth or Vlllth century, and is found in the Treatise Soferim,
246
June 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
which deals also with the Liturgy. Scattered notes in the Tahiiudic
writings are there focussed for the first time. The treatise, however,
is incomplete in many ways. Responsa emanating from various
heads of Colleges in Babylon, Gaonim, as they were called, supple-
ment some of these lacunae. Mr. Elkan Adler has recovered from
the Cairo Genizah another extremely old treatise about the writing
of the Scroll of the Law, dating probably from the Xlth century
(published by him in 1897), and Maimonides has inserted in his
great Work all the laws considered obligatory for the correct
writing of such a Scroll, giving minute directions about all those
points enumerated above, and also indicating the mechanical way
how the writing was to be done, how the proper measures for the
parchment and the columns in them were to be taken.
Without entering into all the minutiae we may at once ask how
does the Samaritan Scroll compare with this corpus of rules and
prescriptions ? To start from the writing in the " Book " would be
a thankless task, considering that it differs essentially from the Scroll
in almost every detail of execution, and the edition based as it is
upon that form follows it in every respect. Only to mention one
fact, there are no chapters indicated in the Scroll, and therefore the
division which has been adopted for the edition is entirely mis-
leading; it is not found in the text of the Scroll.
A brief description of the MS. which forms the basis of this
investigation may now precede the critical examination of the
writing. This MS. contains the last portion of the Law : Deuter-
onomy, chapter xxvii to the End of the Book. It is written in a fine
and exceedingly clear hand. No date and no epigraph are found
in this end of the Book. The age can be approximately fixed by
comparing this fragment with the British Museum MSS., and above
all with the fragment of the Samaritan Targum published by Nutt.
The letters show a more archaic ductus than in the MSS. of the
British Museum, of which one is ascribed to the XV th and the other
to the Xllth or Xillth century. Considering that our fragment
resembles the Targum fragments, which Nutt placed, latest, in the
Xlth century, we may fairly claim the same age also for this
fragment. The only guide in matters of palaeography is the
similarity of certain forms at a given period, and the invariable law
that the older a MS. is, the more clear is the writing and the
more accurate the execution. The heavy and large type of the
Book form, of which I have specimens at least as old as those of
247
June 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARClLliOLOGY. [1900.
the British Tvluseum of the Xllth century, prove nothing against the
finer writing of the Scroll. The scrolls in the British Museum are
also written in the same small fine type which we find in the old
fragment of the Targum.
The lower margin of the Scroll has perished, the Scroll having
been hidden away for many a century in the old Genizah — as I
believe, of Nablus. It has come into my possession, together with
other fragments, some six or seven years ago, but I cannot give
any further details as to the way irl which they came into my hands.
If the MSS. in the St. Petersburg Library are not older than
this fragment, which I ascribe to the Xth or Xlth century, then
this may be the oldest known fragment of the Samaritan Hebrew
text of the Pentateuch. It is written on vellum, which seems, to
have been prepared in a somewhat different manner from that used
in the Books. It is white, not even a shade of colour on it, unlike
the leaves in the Book, and evidently prepared in the same manner
as the vellum is prepared by the Jews for the Scroll, for which only
the skins of " clean " animals can be used. The fragment consists
of two such skins sewn together with hemp, contrary to the custom
of the Jews, who employ only sinews of the same animals. The
length of the whole skin is divided into columns, the space between
the columns being half an inch, corresponding entirely with the
prescriptions laid down for the proportions to be observed at given
sizes of skins used. The first skin is divided into four columns
of equal width, with an equal number of lines in each column. The
length of the line corresponds with that prescribed by the Jews,
and shows absolute identity with the manner in which the Jews
write the Scroll, viz., long lines, and not narrow lines and columns,
as found in books and in the oldest Greek MSS. of the Bible.
The Samaritan books are also written with long lines across the
page.
The distance between the lines is equal to the size of the letters,
as is the rule with the Jewish Scroll. In the writing of the words
there is a marked difference, for in the Samaritan text they are
separated by dots, whilst no dot or other diacritical sign is allowed
in the Jewish text. The parchment has first been marked by lines
drawn with an iron point all the length of it, a similar line running
down the left end of the last column in each skin. The letters
are written under these lines, just as in the Jewish text, where,
according to the law, the Scroll is valueless unlsss the lines are pre
248
June 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
viously drawn for the writer, and the letters written under and
not on or over the lines. The number of lines in each column
seems to agree also with the traditional number, there are at least
forty-seven on each column, about ten to twelve are missing; the
traditional minimum for the Jews is forty-two, the maximum sixty.
This maximum is evidently not overstepped in the Samaritan. The-
length of the line allows a sufficient number of words on each line.
According to the law each line must contain at least thirty letters,
except in the case of incomplete lines at the end of one of the old
divisions of the text. The number of letters in the Samaritan Scroll
exceeds the maximum.
Three divisions at least are known in connection with the text of
the Pentateuch, viz., the open and closed Sections and the Sedarim.
The latter has entirely disappeared from the European texts of the
Bible ; it has been retained however in the Eastern MSS., hailing
from Yemen and from Persia. The *' Sedarim" are not of the same
age as the first two divisions, and are seldom, if ever, mentioned in
the older portions of the Talmudical writings ; they have probably
never been introduced into^the Scroll. These divisions may be
compared on the whole to the chapters of the more recent
division of the Bible. The relation in which the " Sedarim " stand
to the other two divisions of the text has not yet been clearly
established, in spite of the assertion often repeated, but not proved,
that they represent the divisions of the Bible for the reading in a
three-years' cycle. The prevalent custom is to finish the whole Penta-
teuch in the course of one year, subdividing the text into fifty-two or
filty-three portions; but in some places the reading took three years,
and in consequence thereof the text was divided into 150 or more
small sections. However alluring this hypothesis may be, it is none
the less difficult to reconcile it with the fact that we have more than
160 such sections. Dr. Ginsburg, following the tradition of the
Oriental MSS., has inserted them in his edition of the Bible. In
most cases the Sedarim coincide either with the " Open " or with
the "Closed" sections.
The " Open " section is of two kinds : either the previous
section closes in the middle of a line, when space must be left free
for writing of at least three triliteral words ; or the line goes on to the
end, and then a whole line is left blank, and the next section begins
with a new line. The " Closed " section is also of a twofold character :
first when the previous section comes to an end in the middle of
249 u
UNE 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1900.
line, then the space for nine letters is left open, and at least one word
of the following section is ^Yritten in the same line, or secondly the line
finishing the previous section reaches the very end, or comes so close
to it that no free space for nine letters and one word is left, in which
case the following section begins, not "a linea," but with a free
space, more like a new paragraph. No satisfactory explanation for
these two forms of dividing the text has yet been found, and the
tradition concerning them is not so uniform as one could wish,
especially having regard to the fact that to change one for the
other in the Scroll is equivalent with invalidating it. So much
stress was laid upon the maintenance of these divisions, that it
suffices for the scribe to substitute an Open for a Closed section, or
vice versa, to have the Scroll declared uniit for divine service. (C/.
Ginsburg, Introduction, p. 9 ff, and the list of a different tradition
of Closed Sections in Appendix I, p. 977 ff.)
If we turn now to the Samaritan Scroll, we see that the columns
are also divided into smaller sections, consisting mostly of more
than five verses, some only of two or three verses, especially
in the last chapter of Deuteronomy. They seem to be all like
Open Sections of the Jewish text, a whole blank line separating
one section from the other. In some instances the last line of the
section is extended in an artificial manner ; in order not to allow the
last half to be empty, the last two or three words are written with
so wide a space between the letters that they reach the very end 01
the line. When the last line consists merely of one or two words no
attempt is made to extend the few letters over the whole space of
a long line. In a few instances the last word, if there is only one
more to be written, is placed at the left end of the blank line which
separates one section from the other. The Book-form has retained
these divisions with some faithfulness, and they are also reproduced
in the printed edition.
How old these divisions are can best be gauged by the fact
ascertained by me through the comparison with old Greek and
Syriac MSS. of the Bible, that these also have similar divisions, and
hat they agree in many cases, if not in all, with the divisions of
the Hebrew text ; but as far as I have been able to gather, the
finer differences between Open and Closed as made in the two
forms of the Hebrew original are not as carefully observed.
The divisions in the Greek and Syriac sometimes coincide with
the Open, and at other times with the Closed, but more often with
250
June 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
the Open than with the Closed division, In comparing the
Samaritan with the Jewish text we obtain exactly the same results.
Most of the divisions in the Samaritan coincide with the Jewish
divisions, but they are much more numerous in the Samaritan text
than in the Jewish, especially in comparison with the Jewish Open
sections.
The Open sections seem to be the older of the two classes, for
with them coincide as a rule also the Sedarim and the Parashiyoth,
i.e.^ the larger divisions and the Pericopes. It w^ould be premature
to speculate on the origin of these sections, or on the relation that
may exist between them and the Synagogal service. I trust that
others will take up this question and continue the comparison of the
divisions of the Hebrew recensions with those in the old translations.
Much light will thus be thrown upon an obscure problem of biblical
archaeology.
Returning to our Samaritan text, we find the nearest approach to
a Closed section in the first column of Deuteronomy xxxii. 16-26, but
being antiphonal the text is written in a kind of hemistych. The
Jewish text separates each verse from the following by a closed
space, whilst the Samaritan divides each verse by a blank space in
the very middle of it. A full blank line separates the last verse
from the following portion, to which corresponds in the Jewish text
the beginning of chapter xxviii, which is also an Open Section as
well as the beginning of a Sedra. Here all the three forms of
textual division coincide. The other divisions in the MS. are the
following, as far as they are preserved in the upper portion of the
MS. J the lower is mutilated and lost, having been destroyed by
dampness. I give the first verse with which the Section begins : —
xxviii, 27, 36, 49, 54, 56; xxix, i (top of the column), 9 (coinciding
with Jewish Open Section, Sedra, and Parasha), 13, 21, 30; xxx, 15
(top of column) ; xxxi, i (also Jewish Open Section and Parasha),
7, 9, 14 (also Jewish Sedra and Open Section), 16, (25?), 30; xxxii,
I (also Jewish Open Section, Sedra, and Parasha); xxxiii, 12, 13, 18,
20, 22, 24, 28; xxxiv, I, 5, 8, 10.
These examples show how close the connection is in the out-
ward form between the two recensions of the Hebrew Pentateuch,
and at the same time how old this traditional division of the text
must be, as it is found in the Jewish and in the Samaritan. It is
also noteworthy that the final chapter of the Pentateuch is so arranged
in the Samaritan Scroll, as to reach the middle of the column, exactly
251 u 2
June 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1900.
as it is prescribed for the Jewish recension, and is not brought down
quite to the bottom of it.
Our fragment contains happily the Song of Moses and his
Blessing (Deut. chaps, xxxii and xxxiii). Concerning the former
special rules are laid down for the writing thereof The six
preceding lines must commence with certain fixed words, and after
the conclusion five lines are similarly arranged. The Song itself
must be written in the form of hemistychs, not that each verse is being
divided into two halves, but each line is divided into two halves ; as
Maimonides puts it, " each line has a space in the middle in the
likeness of a Closed Section." There are thus verses consisting of
four or even five such hemistychs, others only of two, according to
their length. In order to prevent confusion a list of initial words
has been established from ancient times, and the initials of the six
portions into which this chapter is divided at the service in the
Synagogue is already mentioned in the Talmud (Rosh ha-shana,
31a). Maimonides gives a complete list of the initial words of all
the hemistychs (Hilkoth Sef. Torah, ch. 8), the whole Song being
written in seventy lines.
Comparing now the Samaritan Scroll with these rules, we find
the general principle observed, details only are disregarded. There
are two Open Sections before the beginning separated merely by one
verse, the lines are also divided in two halves, so that this column
is no longer written with lines across the whole width but is broken
up into two of equal size. The division does not follow exactly the
Jewish tradition ; the end of the verse does not always coincide with
the end of a hemistych. The space in the middle is merely due
to a mechanical division, but is dictated probably by the ancien:
tradition, that this portion must be written in hemistychs.
It is now very remarkable that the old Codex of the Museum of
the Xlllth century (Or. 1443) follows exactly the Jewish massoretic
tradition in the division of the verses and lines, coinciding absolutely
with the rule given by Maimonides, and diffeiing in this essential
point from the old Scroll.
This coincidence proves if anything the greater antiquity of the
Scroll over the Book, as the other practice obtained probably at a
later period and under Jewish influences ; it shows how little
reliance can be placed even upon the oldest of the texts written in
Book-form.
Diacritical points over the letters such as recorded by the
252
June 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
Massora for chap, xxix, 28, are missing in the Samaritan Codex, no
dotted letters being found at all in it. Similarly there is no capital
"He" in xxxii, 6 ('^"'Tn); the Samaritan has the small letter as
usual. On the other hand we find in the Samaritan text many signs
that are wanting in the Jewish recension. Foremost among these
the mark at the end of the verses. As far back as the middle of the
Vlllth century we find R. Jehudai Gaon protesting against placing
two dots at the end of a verse, and declaring a Scroll with such
marks unfit for divine service (Adler, loc. c, p. 38). The practice of
marking the end of the verse must therefore be much older. It
is found in the Samaritan Scroll, but it must be noted that there
are two different signs used, viz., two perpendicular dots (:) and two
horizontal dots ( ••). In two or three instances the end is marked
thus {''■). The Book form has still more dots and signs at the end
of the Section, three dots hke these (- •[) with the stroke in front of
the third point. Further, the space between the sections is filled
up with peculiar marks consisting of dots alternating with semi-
circles and lines. In more modern copies we find a star with dots
in the inner angles -^ . Not a single trace of these latter signs are
to be found in the Scroll. The absence or presence of these signs will
henceforth assist to fix the approximate date of a MS. In com-
paring the position where these dots occur in the Samaritan text with
the Jewish, we find that as a rule the horizontal double dots ( ) are
used in the middle of the verse where the disjunctive accents are
used in the Bible, especially Athnah (a) and Zaqef qaton (:) whilst
the perpendicular mark as a rule is at the end of the verse, just as
they are also found in the profane and in the printed texts. We
may consider them as indicating generally the end of the verse,
which however does not always agree with the end of the same verse
in the Jewish recension. The use of these special dots is neither
as regular nor as consistent in the printed Samaritan text.
Instead of the horizontal (••) of the Scroll we find often in the
print the vertical (:) and vice versa. Nor do we find in the Scroll
the stroke over certain letters denoting as a rule abbreviations,
which occur in some old MSS. in Book-form and are partly repro-
duced in the print. All these differences prove the superiority of
the Scroll over the texts that have been preserved in the form of
books. It is a far more true rendering of the Samaritan recension
of the Pentateuch. The parallelism between the Jewish and
Samaritan Scroll shows further that the Samaritans followed on the
253
June 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILLOLOGV. [1900.
whole the same traditions which held sway among the Jews in regard
to the manner in which such scrolls were to be written, and they thus
strengthen the old tradition, and contribute to the hitherto neglected
Biblical palaeography a by no means unimportant chapter.
The dififerences examined up to now were differences in the
writing and in the external form. No less important is the harvest
which a thorough examination of the text itself is yielding. We
must remember that in treating of the Sacred Text a single letter is
of importance. The accuracy with which such Scrolls were written
and are written by the Jews, and as a result of our inquiry we may
say the same of the Samaritans, and the absolute identity in the
general rules observed for that purpose, give a singular value to any
deviation either from the Massoretic Jewish text or from the Sama-
ritan Book form.
I am adding here a list of variae kctiones which I trust will
again direct the attention of Biblical scholars to the Samaritan text.
In about 190 verses preserved in the Scroll we find now in
List I about 250 differences from the Massoretic text. These dif-
ferences can be divided into the following rubrics : {a) a copulative
letter is added in the Samaritan, such as T which occurs most
frequently, then more sporadically 1, 7, H (initial and final), and,
in a few instances, t^ ; they amount to 59 : {b) in 13 instances such
letters are omitted in the Samaritan, whilst they are retained in the
Massoretic text ; (c) in four instances words are added in the
Samaritan, and {d) five words found in the Massoretic are omitted
in the former. More numerous than these are, (e) the differences in
the "scriptio plena" and "defectiva"; in («) no less than 6S cases
a word which appears in the Massoretic text with the "scriptio
defectiva," is written in the Samaritan with the"matres lectionis,"
(/3) in 24 cases the Samaritan has the " defectiva " against the
Massoretic text. Of far greater importance are (/) the variants in
the readings of the text, («) either words are alte?-ed in the Samaritan
altogether, other words being substituted for them, or {ft) in the
word itself a certain change has been made, thus making alterations
in the meaning of the word ; of these, which may be considered the
really important variants, we count about 50, including also more
minute changes. Letters transposed in the same word belong to a
separate group [g) which numbers only four examples, whilst one
single word has been transposed in the same sentence, {h) Gram-
matical changes for the purpose of introducing greater harmony and
254
June 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
symmetry in the construction are represented, (a) by 19 cases in
which the verb has been changed from singular in the Massoretic
into the plural in the Samaritan, and two nouns ; (/3) in chap, xxxi,
II, the perfect has been substituted twice for the imperfect, and
(7) the reverse has also taken place twice ; (c) second for the third
person, x.xxiii, 28; (e) third for the second, xxxi, 13 ; (^) first plural
for third plural, xxxii, 27 ; (/) the Keri for the Kethib, xxix, 21, and
(/c) in two instances parts of a new verse (xxxii, 15) and a completely
new verse (xxxiv, i) have been introduced into the Samaritan Scroll.
{/) More curious than these differences, which may be accounted for
either by a somewhat different tradition, or by greater carelessness
of copyists, not being checked by a " Massora," are orthographical
differences, such as n for Mass. 1 (xxvii, 49; xxxiii, 25); n for n
(xxviii, 52; xxix, 18; xxxii, 18, 22); Q for 2 (xxxii, 24; xxxiv, 7);
t^ for 1 (xxxii, 18) ; ^ for H (xxxii, 21 ; xxxiii, 20) ; H for 1 (xxxii,
24); and i<^ for T (xxxiv, i). The similaiity between some of these
letters in the Hebrew square writing would favour the theory, which
has been put forward by some and alluded to by Gesenius (in his
De Pentateuchi Samaritani Origitie, Hallae, 181 5, pp. 16, 17), that
the Samaritan text is a mere transcript from such a Hebrew Codex.
It is, however, not impossible to suggest another explanation, viz.,
that the scribe wrote by dictation, or by repeating aloud the word
read, and was thus guided as much by his ears as by his eyes. It is
now a fact that these very letters are pronounced in the same
manner by the Samaritans, hence the possibility of substituting a
n for n, or Q for 3,. The change, however, from "^ to "T cannot
be explained by this theory, but as this change is found only in two
words of rare occurrence, the change is probably due to the desire
(early traceable in the Samaritan recension) of correcting the text
and of eliminating obscure passages from it. In both cases the
words with "I are uncommon words, whilst those with "^ are very
common and well-known. Such a process of continual corruption
and alteration can be followed up by comparing the Scroll with the
Book form. It cannot be denied that both agree in the majority of
cases, yet is there no absolute uniformity, and it will be seen (List II)
that in not less than 17 instances the Scroll differs considerably from
the Book and agrees with the Massoretic text. If we examine these
17 passages we find that in three cases it is a question of additional
1, in one of final PT, one is a "scriptio plena," and two are in plural
for the singular, all these found in the Book against the Scroll and
255
June 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGV. [1900.
the Massoretic text with which the Scroll agrees. The 11 remaining-
exceptions belong to the more important class of orthographical and
textual variants, among these has the Book form three times H
against n of the Scroll and Mass., and once even j; for pf of the
Mass. and Scroll ; a proof more for the probable oral origin of these
changes. In saying oral, I mean that the scribe listened either to
the dictation of another or, having read the word, he copied it from
memory, and, as remarked above, in Samaritan pronunciation no
difference whatsoever is made between these letters, they all repre-
sent one and the same sound. We have now seventeen variations
le5S between the oldest Samaritan text of the Pentateuch and the
Massoretic text. Not an insignificant gain from so small a frag-
ment. It is one of extreme importance, as it allows us to infer
that, if we ever get a still older text of the Samaritan Scroll, the
number of differences and discrepancies between the two recen-
sions of the Hebrew text are sure to be sensibly diminished. Also
the Book, imperfect though it is and much disfigured by scribes'
errors and by interpolations and additions of an arbitrary character,
it still retains here and there some readings which are due to the
originals from which it has been copied. In a number of instances
we find even the Book agreeing more closely with the Massoretic
text than the Scroll ; I have collected these examples in the third
list. It will be seen that the majority of cases consists in differences
of " scriptio plena " and " defectiva," the Scroll favouring as a rule
the "plena," against the Book and the Massoretic, following therein
the general tendency of the Samaritan recension.
These three lists by no means exhaust all the variations between
the Massoretic and the Samaritan which have been noticed, e.g.,
by Doederlein in his excellent but now forgotten edition of the Bible
(Lipsiae, 1793). They are all, however, derived from other "Books,"
which could not be checked; they are missing in the Polyglott, and
merely represent more cases of corruptions due to careless copyists.
Their only value consists in the negative proof, showing as they do
how easily the text had been corrupted and altered, not being
protected by a " Massora." No trace of such a Massora has as yet
been found in Samaritan MS.
In summing up the results obtained from the minute comparison
between the Samaritan Scroll, the Book form, and the Hebrew
Massoretic Text of the Pentateuch, we are forced to recognise that
all rest upon one and the same old tiadition. It must be very old,
256
June 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
if it operates with equal force on the Jews and on the Samaritans,
who would do everything contrary to the Jews, but who must have
considered those prescriptions of too sacred a character to be violated
with impunity. The writing of the Scroll in its details follows the
same lines as those laid down for the Massoretic. The text is sub-
divided in a manner which shows acquaintance with those divisions
found in the Massoretic text. The agreement extends also as a rule
not only to the verses, but also to the subdivisions marked by the
Massorites almost with the same sign as the Samaritans ; in both
instances, as a rule, by two dots ( : ), in the Samaritan after, in the
Massoretic over the word in question. The orthography and the
actual form of the text itself has been proved to be in the Scroll
much more akin to the Massoretic text than has been believed
hitherto. Furthermore, overwhelming evidence has been adduced to
show that the Book form is le'^s reliable in its readings than the
Scroll, and that the superiority of the latter is indisputable. It is
the sacred text, against the profane ! Only the Scroll can serve as a
true basis for further investigations into the relation between the two
recensions of the Hebrew text. The final result promises to be
close agreement on all vital points, and a direct strengthening of
the critical value of the Massoretic text and of its antiquity. For in
order to be accepted by the Samaritans, it must be older than the
secession of the latter from the Jews, otherwise it would not have
been adopted in its actual state, and the differences would be much
greater than they are even in the Book form. The re-opening of the
inquiry imposes itself, and this alone amply justifies, if justification
be needed, the publication of this portion of the Samaritan Scroll.
257
June 12]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
L1900.
LIST ]
[.
Deuteronomy, Chapter XXVIL
Massoretic.
Samaritan Scroll.
IDt?
nir^xir
I
^^nn
^^•inn
3
h^r:;
Dnn:5
4
nSiv
irh:!
6
nio^n
in"'^n
8
n^^ni
nn''"'n2
9
. . • nyh
[xr^-rp] DV':'
inrjn
vmiin
10
^^pn
vnpn
D^tn:i in
' nn^irirr
13
nl^7l^^
n-nn""
?]DVi
PIDV
]r2^:m
D""^^:!"!
\h^yr\
p':'!^
13
Dvn ^D iz:^^i
□i^n ^D ^i^«T
17-26
■•pi
N^p^
25
•'in n«
••m [h:2] nt^
amb^ m^:^^^
nmxrri^^
26
Chapter XXVIII.
y^72^
:^n\ir
I
mu^i;^
ni^^^Si
^••"13
■•i:!
^:i''U.>m
-yi:i^ti^m
2
L:^72pn
D^r2i^on
7
I
258
June 12]
PROCEEDINGS.
[^
I^Iassoretic.
Samaritan Scroll.
in^ 7^11
rin« 71-71
rbit^m
liriiirm
11*''
m:^"^
8
yr2Di^2
^n^Dt^i
T'
T^^
urnp
tir-rp
9
It^-^""!
It^"!"^"^
10
nmio^
nto^
II
(Lacuna from v. 11-22.)
"7-ini^
'lii-'ii^
22
-^ir^^iyrt
^i^^tr^n
24
25
26
7^::n [n«]
711-r
29
pr^?:; ^^
pi^ir pn
r\:h^^>^
rf72V niD'C^"'
30
^y'^T
7r:i"^
33
f]22^
1^'
35
36
37
«^!Jin
t^!iin
38
n:^^nn
ni^^-inn
39
7iDn
7Dn
40
ti^i^^
it>nv
42
7"r?2U?n
'\M^72'\l}n
45
D^'^Vn
Diii^n
48
[1900.
259
June 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGV.
Massoretic. Samaritan Scroll
1800.
(Lacuna from v. 54-ch. XXIX.)
rnnn:in
53
54
Chapter XXIX.
260
16
June 12]
PROCEEDINGS.
[I-
INIassoretic.
Samaritan Scroll.
firyn
rho^
19
20
s^n^
^b""
21
^^"inn
^^"^nn
rhn
i^'Tpn
i^-^-im
22
nr^isn
n'^^i^n
Q^^nin
D"^n!J*i
^•^n n^
•"nn n^")
23
DrQ«
Dnin^^
24
i^^innn
i^inni
«inn
i^-^nn
26
rh:^:n^
n"iS:i:m
28
Chapter XXX.
-fm-r''
ib^pi
I
2
(Lacuna from v. 2-:
14.)
1pm vnr272
vni!inT TVn
16
npi-f^i
npnin^i
18
20
261
JiNE 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.
Chapter XXXI.
[1900.
Massoretic.
Samaritan Scroll.
1^^^
iD^n
2
"ar
nn:i^n
3
«in
^inS
yx[}^r^^
i^ii^irfS
^:iy
nni^n
«inn
b^'^iin
7
Dnn«^
□ninh^V
Drr\^
ant^
n^n^ «irr
n^n^ i^im
8
Dnit^
□n^^
10
iv^:i
i:i?n?2i
m«n^
m^^-in^
II
nnn""
■^nn
t^^pn
hnp*-
it^n^T
li^^-^^-i
12
D"^^n nnb^
D'l^n on
13
^^^^1
rii^-i^'i
IS
(Lacuna from v. 16-
25.)
nn^n
nir^n
27
™^pi
nnipi
29
Chapter XXXII.
••s
=;^Q
I
hin
^ti^nS
2
D"^^rU.»3
□n^iru^D
b^tT'-T ^V:i7
t^^n^iii?
n'^i-'niST
a''ni"i:D"i
□"IT
Dun
3
262
June 12]
PROCEEDINGS.
[I
Massoretic.
Samaritan Scroll.
inn
: DID ^:n "h i^h innti?
5
n^n'h n
mn^^n
6
^:>T^
'72:in'''i
^21
S-^:]T
7
mn''
n72V
^1 rr\2\rr
"111 rctir
8
9
in«!:t2''
iTO^R^
10
imr^
inz^n
)r2^2?^ ^^"i innn
in:^u?'^ ni^^nnm
ini^Si''
in^ii-'T
inin:^''
in:*i!i'''i
II
^r^np'^
innp^T
13
rai:n
nDi:n
inpi^i
inp^^""
n^r^n
nr^n
14
ann 2^n
D^"<3 nr^n
(Massor. omitted)
i^nii^^i np:?"^ Sd«^
15
n^«
^nri
ftn:''i
[1900,
263
June 12]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCIL-EOLOGY.
[1900.
Massoretic.
Samaritan Scroll.
•)ni>\!?>
inyiu?"'
ins^rp''
in^'^ip"'
16
nii^inn
rarinn-i
^no^yT
inoi^D''
L2^'^v'0■ i^h
Q^'^:,^'cy ^h^
17
^)i>n
^^n
18
'l^^nrri
-f^SVnn
nn^HDi^
i^nDt«5
20
n«n^^
n«i«-i
n?2n n^cnn
Qn mDsh
21
T|Tm
ipim
00
^is^t:^
^^^T'
^::t^ni
^D«n
:2nhn^
isn^n
^'^^h:^
Dn-'^i>
23
■'sn
^^ti^
••t^
iiTn
24
••^n^i
S^n^
^•^nrj ni^pi
Dnn^ s:i2p
n?2ni
ni!2ni
p^v
p::^T
25
nn\s2i<^
an^Q«
26
nn^2^>«
n^ntL-'t^
^h^h
^^^1^
27
n^i«
■^n^ifc^
^!2n:r
T5n!J
264
June 12]
PROCEEDINGS.
[1
Massoretic.
Samaritan Scroll.
n72n ni!iv
bnri^
28
^h
^h
29
l^^DU^r
'\h^xi^^'\
13^1^
^^l^■l
n3^^
T«
30
D"ii!Jh:]]
n'h^h^
□^S^D
31
rra-Ttr>?2i
niT^i^n"!
32
iniDor
□n^iiv
ti?in
tZT^"!
n^::t2r«
^^3^i^T
n^^^
rr\'}'}r2
□i'':n
□^i^in
33
■tp:d«
■"IT 7«
«^rT
i^i^n
34
D^3
Di5:]
□pi ^^
□pi av^
35
mnir
ni-'nir
^^5 ir^^i
n^^^i-ir^^i
37
in^"'
intz^^'i
38
DD^~Di
□3Di
□:2-^t:^^i
□Di^i^i^^i
^n^
vn^
''it^i
^5:t^i
39
Q^}2XV
□^?2^n
40
(Lacuna from v. 41-ch. XXXIII, v. 11.)
]?2^:i^
□^n^:i^i
12
-in''
-f T
[V7:i^] nt^n^
ni^n^
[1900.
^65
June 12]
:IETV OF BIBLICAL
ARCHEOLOGY.
[19
Massoretic.
Samaritan Scroll.
p^Dn
plDim
v^n^
i^non^
tZ^ia
^)irn:i
14
n-^n
^in
15
nSrn^
nrn3
n«S?Di
ni^'i^m
16
'^:2M^
p\rr
Si"i\i^
"nu^
17
□t^")
••ni^l
mnni dht
mnin nn
"in
nrr
19
Dir?
D^T
Spr"^
p:^^
1:0^1
"•iiDU^i
si^n^3
n-'i^^
20
nitoT
?]"i"i:o
- n«
D^
ppnn
ppin?:^
21
Dj;
Dli^n
p3r
p:n
22
)iin
)1!i^1
0 -^
-J
D"'
rT?2^
rtxiy^'^
^11^
^n""
•-n^"!
24
i^:in
i"^^:}-!
7^ir:7:)
yhy:72
25
7i<i-r
l^n-^
ini^:!!"!
"in«:iii
26
266
E 12] PROCEEDINGS
[>
Massoretic.
Samaritan Scroll.
rf2V72
n^Sir^
27
ny-yi
niii^n^
nr^xiyn
T'nxr^n
p^ hvi
V"iN '^^
28
ir-i-^Tn
iz^-^^m
v^trr p]b^
7^^u? fl«T
^''^tz^^^
71:2^^^
29
i^tr?i2 or
a^tz>i3n n]:ir
^ir\^:i
^n^j
in^n*it2n
ont^n
Chapt
er XXXIV.
112
i^n:
I
in-i^
in'i'i*'
in^i-"-!
in^^'-i^'i
(Mass. omits.)
"TiT c^^!i?o nnDD \n^n]
n-\Q iTO
h^1:^r^ in^n
[p"in«n Q^n i^t
Mass. omitted '^) in^OlI?-
["fnit^^J ^nj;!^^:
4
^^n^'^in
^^ni^-^n
^:g
b^'^:!!
6
inr^i
ini^n
7
nnn::
nnn:3
")''T
IT
9
Tiir t^^n:
fc^-^ii l^V
10
nn«n
ninb^n
II
fc^ni^n
n^-ir^n
12
[1900.
267
X 2
June 12]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.
[1900.
LIST II.
Samar. Book.
Sam. Scroll. Massoretic.
v:i'^2
ni^nxi^n
xxviii, 25
D"inni
D"inm
27
^IDT
ns
33
"li^'jin
i:!^^n
39
^hxI^'^
hirr^
40
^p^T
p^T
53
□^mnr^n
nnin:Dn
xxix, 20
(Mass. ri^: • • •) '•it^^:i2n"i
m^'r'jiim
28
nD^^i
n^^^
XXX, 16
n^'^nh^h
M^nhiih
xxxii, 3
-^V'^
■^liT^
11
"^72^
i^n
'5
^hrfi
^^n;
24
D^"i-rrrai
Dmn?2i
^5
(Mass. n72n ir\)iv) □n*«ni>^ir
ani!^v
28
(Mass. 1^) i?23n ah^
i^Dn «^
29
^rr\'r2^^1
^n-^m^n
34
268
June 12]
12] PROCEEDINGS.
[1900.
LIST III.
Scroll.
Book. Massoretic.
TJIV 54
n^ntrrn
n'im;r>n is
vAiass. min) mirr
an-in^
Dra^^ 34
npmn':?"!
npni^i ^^-^> 20
anb^^
□nib^^ xxxi, 7
n^n'^ ^ini
n-'H'' «in 8
«t2^"i^^y
^uri ^^jr xxxii, 2
Q^ni^^i
a^n-in-i^T
(Mass. ^I^t?) ^«\r
Vt^:!^ 22
(Mass. niny) JlTJli?
n^Tn:^^ 35
T" T>
"7^*7^ xxxiii, 1 1
•^nt^'ii^i
in^l^l xxxiv, I
(^lass. nnt^n) mn^^n
mnSs^n 1 1
269
June 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1900.
ANOTHER CARVED SLATE.
By F. Legge.
Thanks to the kindness of the authorities of the Ashmolean
Museum, I am now able to give what appears at first sight to be a
new slate, but which turns out on inspection to be one of the
missing fragments of the slate in the British Museum, which in my
paper in the May Proceedings figures as Plate VI. The present
fragment was obtained, as I understand, from Mr. Greville Chester,
as was that in the British Museum. For the reasons referred to in
my former paper, I have no doubt that both came from Abydos.
The Ashmolean fragment is about five inches in its greatest width,
while the height varies from four inches to three. On the obverse,
the principal figures are two captives with their arms bound behind
them at the elbows. Like those in Plate VI above referred to, they
are naked save for the Bantu sheath and a small cincture round the
hips. Behind each of them is a standard surmounted by a bird
with a parrot-shaped beak, which is probably intended for a hawk.
From each standard springs a human arm, which grasps the captive
by his right arm as if to push him into the ring or circular depres-
sion, which is here very clearly marked, and which I have suggested
typifies the sun. Above the standards can be seen the legs of two
other captives or fugitives of the same race. The scene no doubt
symbolizes the capture of savage enemies of Bantu afiinities by the
inhabitants of the country symbolized by the standards (the Nome
of the Two Hawks ?), and their casting out, perhaps after execution
by the personage in the long robe on Plate VI, to be devoured
under the eye of the sun by birds and beasts.
The reverse bears the head of the date-palm together with the
upper part of one of the giraffes on Plate VI, while behind the
giraffe is an extraordinary bird with the body of a goose or duck,
and with what appear to be feathered legs. The head of the bird
has the beak of a bird of prey, while over the opening of the ear is
what seems to be a fleshy caruncule or wattle, while the head is
further garnished with two small protuberances resembling horns.
What bird is supposed to be here represented 1 can make no guess>
but will only mention that by comparison with the figures of the
captives it appears to be'over five feet in height.
As to the use of these slates, I see that Prof. Petrie has again
referred to the subject in the memoir on Hierakunpolis just pub-
'7°
Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., June, 1900,
X
^^■i^::
-#
^>ii
sf/y M-
SLATE SLAB, NOW IN THE ASHMOLEAN MUSEUM, OXFORD.
rroc. Soc. BihI. Arch., /iiuc, 1900.
/
1 • i A:-^
^
^"'^' ' 'Hit
^■*- A
/.uU'
■yi
• /,V
:-'-A 'J
•s U'-,.t:'^
STELA OF KESIIEI" Al' AHEKDEKN.
June 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
lished by the Egyptian Research Account. It may therefore be as
well to say that I am as unconvinced as ever that the rings on these
slates had any connection with the grinding or use of face-paint.
Although I have every respect for Prof. Petrie's opinion, it seems to
me that in order to prove such a connection he should show first
that some known slate palette, showing traces of having been used
for the grinding of malachite, was decorated with such a ring as
we have here, and then, that the painting of the king's face ever
formed part of an Egyptian ceremonial.
THE ABERDEEN RESHEP STELA.
By F. Ll. Griffith.
Miss A. A. Pirie, who has been engaged in arranging the
collection of Egyptian antiquities bequeathed by the late Dr. J. H.
S. Grant-Bey to Aberdeen University, has kindly supplied the
accompanying photograph — supplemented by her own careful hand
copy — of an interesting stela in that collection on which is sculptured
a scene of offering to the Syrian god of thunder, Reshep, together
with his name and another short legend.
This is the stela on which Professor Spiegelberg lately contri-
buted a note to the Zeitschrift f. Assyriologie (1898, 120), where he
discusses at length the remarkable title tT^ptiJ ^1^1) given to the god,*
The second legend Dr. Spiegelberg reads as a curse, <2>- \
^AA/^ ^^ ^ (1i n Vff> : " Prepare misfortune (?) for the house
c. Ill i=:ii] ill 1' ^ ^ '
of Aahmes."
His reading appears to me somewliat doubtful : The first signs
would rather seem to be ^i^ , etc. The engraving is not
/WV^SA AAAAAA
clear and the surface of the stela is worn, but the photograph, which
is taken by Professor Pirie of Aberdeen, is singularly successful.
Reshep holds battle-axe and shield ; he is crowned with the
conical crown of Upper Egypt, and behind him is a sun-shade. The
offerings on the table seem to be of the usual kinds; those held in
* For the god Reshep see W. Max Miiller's ^j?V« itnd Eiiropa, p. 311, et seqq.
271
June 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOCV. [1900.
the hands of the offerer, who might perhaps be the "Aahmes"
mentioned in the inscription, are so indistinct that Miss Pirie is
unable to identify them.
The stela is of limestone, and measures 14 x 8f inches. Dr.
Spiegelberg attributes it to the XXth or XXIst Dynasty.
THE FUNERAL TABLETS IN THE BRIGHTON
MUSEUM.
At the Brighton Public Museum there are to be seen a few
interesting Egyptian antiquities. Through the kindness of the
curators, Mr. Benjamin Loraax and Mr. H. Toms, I have been
enabled to make rubbings of two funeral tablets which are here
reproduced.
Figure i is a sandstone tablet, about 16-^ inches by 11. It is
said to be of the XVII Ith dynasty, but it is more probably of a
later date. It comes from Thebes, and was presented to the
museum by Mr. J, Ashbury.
Upon the upper portion of the tablet is the sacred ram |--|
Reheni, which typified Amen. It stands feeding off an altar, whil
behind it are some decorative papyrus flowers. The label says,
apparently upon the authority of the late Dr. Birch, that this is
probably the only representation of the Reheni, the sacred ram of
Amen, as a living animal.
With regard to this I have made some inquiries, and it appears
that this statement still holds good. The tablet, therefore, is of
some importance.
The hieroglyphics are painted blue, and the separating lines red :
otherwise the stone remains uncoloured. The inscription, which is
a prayer that the Reheni may be blessed with the usually-desired
cool breezes, &c., reads as follows :
O "^ r^ <r^~"!> A/WW\ AA/WSA ^ ^.^^ O H
e
i
ftAAA/>^
272
Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., June, 1900.
PLATE I.
FUNERAL TABLET FROM THEBES, XVII ITH DYNASTY, NOW IN THE
BRIGHTON PUBLIC MUSEUM.
i
Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arcli., /inn', 1900,
PLATE II.
D^
;^'^nm ^ngg--
FUNERAL TAULET, XIITH DYNASTY,', NOW IN TIIE^BRIGH ION
PUBLIC MUSEUM.
June 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
Figure 2 is a limestone tablet of the Xllth dynasty, measuring
about 20 inches by 14. This also was presented by Mr. J. Ashbury.
It is of I— ^ Min-hetep, the ^^^ ^ , ur res met, "great one of
the Southern Tens," and his wife yi Nebt-Seta.
They are represented facing a heap of offerings, and above them
is the following inscription :
Half of the second line refers to his wife, and reads thus :
ARTHUR E. WEIGALL.
PHCENICIAN INSCRIPTION AT GREENOCK.
Westminster,
Dear Mr. Rylands, 2ydjime, 1900.
Mr. Greenlees' reading of this inscription does not seem
quite correct as far as two of the names are concerned. The text
has Metib-Baal, not Mattan-Baal ; and the last name is plainly
Ger-Ashtoreth, not Gad-Ashtoreth.
Transliterated into Hebrew characters, the inscription is as
follows : —
h p^^i hvi JD r^irh rrrh Line i.
'TM urt^ )?2n hvi n 2.
ninti^v*^:! |[i] n ,,4.
It will be observed that the second line has a blank space after
it. The name of the devotee does not follow immediately after
■>"T-j " vowed," as is usually the case; but begins the third line. It
is probable that these little slabs were kept in stock, ready engraved
with the dedicatory formula, and only requiring the addition of the
name of the purchaser. This is shown still more clearly by C.I.S.,
No. 191, where the stereotyped formula in Punic, is immediately
followed by the name of the devotee €YKA€A in Greek letters.
273 Y
JL'NE 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGV. [iQoo.
The first name in the Greenock Inscription is 7J^lin?D • ^t is,
of course, possible that this is the common Punic name Svi^HD
Mattanbaal, with Beth written in mistake for Nun. But, on the
other hand, it strongly recalls the Biblical Mehetah-d in Genesis
xxvi, 39, with the interchange of Tmi for Teth ; and would thus be
Metib-Baal, "benefited by Baal."
The last line contains the very common Phoenician proper name
Ger-As/iforelh, "sojourner with Ashtoreth," or "dependant of
Ashtoreth." Ger is derived from ^in, "to sojourn"; which is
often used in the sense of dwelling with the deity, or being in
companionship with deity. Thus Psalm xv says, that those who
act righteously shall " sojourn " in the tabernacle of Yahveh ; while
Psalm V, 4 (verse 5 in the Hebrew), says, "the evil man shall not
'sojourn' with thee"; i.e., with God. Ger is frequently com-
pounded with divine names, such as Ger-Eshmun, Ger-Melek, Ger
Melqarth, Ger-Miskar, Ger-Sad, and Ger-Sakon. Ger-Ashtoreth
occurs in Josephus contra Apion. I, 21, under the form Te/joVT^^nTo? ;
and a king of Aradus, of the same name, is also mentioned by
Arrian.
The Greenock inscription would thus be dedicated by " Metib-
Baal, daughter of Ebed-Melqarth, son of Ger-Ashtoreth." Ebed-
Melqarth, son of Ger-Ashtoreth, also occurs in C.I.S., No. 234 ;
a votive tablet deposited in the Bibliotheque Nationale, at Paris.
Yours very truly,
E. J. PILCHER.
EGYPTIAN SCARABS.
The Council is indebted to ]\Ir. John Ward, F.S.A., for placing
at their disposal the Plates of Photographs of Scarabs in his
collection. Eour of these plates are now given, and the descriptive
text and the remainder of the plates will appear in successive parts
of the Proceedings.
W. H. RYLANDS.
The next Meeting of the Society will be held at 37,
Great Russell Street, Bloomsbury, W.C, on Tuesday, 13th
November, 1900, at 4.30 p.m.
?74
Old Kingdom - middle Kingdom PI. I.
V
IV
V
VU.-VllI
^rY^ KHAFRA MENKAURA UNAS RA-EN-KA
Scarabs of Kings and Notables
Early New Kingdom
PI //
XVIll Dynasty
AAHMESl AMENHOTEP 1
Royal Scarabs
N Ew Kingdom
PI. Ill
XVIII Dynastjy
TH OTH M E S
6 9
381
Royal Scarabs
New Kingdom
PJ. iV
"HOTHMES 111 AMENHOTEP II
-I
5 CM \
XVUI Dynasty
. AMENHCTEP il
Koyal Scarabs
luxK 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
THE FOLLOWING BOOKS ARE REQUIRED FOR THE
LIBRARY OF THE SOCIETY.
Members having duplicate copies, zuill confer a favour by presenting them to the
Society.
Alker, E., Die Chronologic der Bucher der Konige und Paralipomenon im
Einklang mit der Chronologie der Aegypter, Assyrer, Babylonier und Meder.
Amelineau, Histoire du Patriarche Copte Isaac.
— — Contes de I'Egypte Chretienne.
La Morale Egyptienne quinze siecles avant notre ere.
Amiaud, La Legende Syriaque de Saint Alexis, rhomme de Dieu.
A., AND L, Mechineau, Tableau Compare des Ecritures Babyloniennes
et Assyriennes.
Mittheilungen aus der Sammlung der Papyrus Erzherzog Rainer. 2 parts.
Baethgen, Beitr'age zur Semitischen Religionsgeshichte. Der Gott Israels und
die Gotter der Heiden.
Blass, a. F., Eudoxi ars Astronomica qualis in Charta Aegyptiaca superest.
BOTTA, Monuments de Ninive. 5 vols., folio. 1847-1850.
Brugsch-Bey, Geographische Inschriften Altaegyptische Denkmaeler. Vol.
I— III (Brugsch).
Recueil de Monuments Egyptiens, copies sur lieux et publics pas
H. Brugsch et J. Dlimichen. (4 vols., and the text by Diimichen
of vols. 3 and 4. )
BUDINGER, M., De Colonarium quarundam Phoeniciarum primordiis cum
Hebraeorum exodo conjunctis.
BuRCKHARDT, Eastern Travels.
Cassel, Paulus, Zophnet Paneach Aegyptische Deutungen
Chabas, Melanges Egyptologiques. Series I, III. 1862-1S73
DiJMlCHEN, Historische Inschriften, &c., ist series, 1867.
■ 2nd scries, 1869.
Altaegyptische Kalender-Inschriften, 1S86.
Tempel-Inschriften, 1862. 2 vols., folio
Ebers, G., Papyrus Ebers.
Erman, Papyrus Westcar.
Etudes ^Egyptologiques. 13 vols., complete to 1880.
Gayet, E., Steles de la XII dynastie au Musee du Louvre.
GOLENISCHEFF, Die Mcttemichstele. Folio, 1S77.
Vingt-qualre Tablcttes Cappadociennes de la Collection de.
Grant-Bey, Dr., The Ancient Egyptian Religion and the Influence it exerted
on the Religions that came in contact with it.
Haupt, Die Sumerischen Familiengesetze,
HoMMEL, Dr., Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens. 1892.
June 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [iqoo.
Jastrow, M., a Fragment of the Babylonian "Dibbarra" Epic.
Jensen, Die Kosmologie der Babylonier.
Jeremias, Tyrus bis zur Zeit Nubukaunezar's Geschichtliche Skizze mit bcson-
derer Berucksichtigung der Keilschriftlichen Quellen.
Joachim, H., Papyros Ebers, das Alteste Buch liber Heilkunde.
Johns Hopkins University. Contributions to Assyriology and Comparativ
Semitic Philology.
Krebs, F., De Chnemothis nomarchi inscriptione Aegyptiaca commentatio.
Lederer, Die Biblische Zeitrechnung vom Auszuge aus Aegypten bis zum
Beginne der Babylonische Gefangenschaft mit Beriicksichtigung der Re-
sultate der Assyriologie und der Aegyptologie.
Ledrain, Les Monuments Egyptiens de la Bibliotheque Nationale.
Lef^bure, Le Mythe Osirien. 2™« partie. "Osiris."
Legrain, G. , Le Livre des Transformations. Papyrus demotique du Louvre.
Lehmann, Samassumukin Konig von Babylonien 668 v. Chr., p. xiv, 173
47 plates.
Lepsius, Nubian Grammar, &c. , 1880.
Maruchi, Monumenta Papyracea Aegyptia.
MiJLLER, D. H. , Epigraphische Denkmaler aus Arabien.
NoOBDTZiG, Israel's verblijf in Egypte bezien int licht der Egyptische out-
dekkingen.
Pognon, Les Inscriptions Brbyloniennes du Wadi Brissa.
Rawlinson, Canon, 6th Ancient Monarchy.
ROBIOU, Croyances de I'Egypte a I'epoque des Pyramides.
Recherches sur le Calendrier en Egypte et sur le chronologic des Lagides.
Sainte Marie, Mission a Carthage.
Sarzec, Decouvertes en Chaldee.
Schaeffer, Commentationes de papyro medicinali Lipsiensi.
SCHOUW, Charta papyracea graece scripta Musei Borgiani Velitris.
Schroeder, Die Phonizische Sprache.
Strauss and Torney, Der Alfagyptische Gotterglaube.
Virey, p., Quelques Observations sur I'Episode d'Aristee, a propos d'un
Monument Egyptien.
Visser, I., Hebreeuwsche Archaeologie. Utrecht, 1891.
Walther, J., Les Decouvertes de Nineve et de Babylone au point de vue
biblique. Lausanne, 1890.
WiLCKEN, M., Actenstiicke aus der Konigl. Bank zu Theben.
WiLTZKE, De Biblische Simson der Agyptische Horus-Ra.
Winckler, Hugo, Der Thontafelfund von El Amarna. Vols. I and II.
Textbuch-Keilinschriftliches zum Alten Testament.
Weissleach, F. H., Die Achaemeniden Inschriften Zweiter Art.
Wesseley, C, Die Pariscr Papyri des Fundes von El Fajum.
Zeitsch. der Deutschen Morgcnl. Gescllsch., Vol. XX to Vol. XXXII, 1866
to 1878.
ZiMMERN, II., Die Assyriologie als Hiilfswissenschaft liir das Studium des Alten
Testaments.
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY PUBLICATIONS.
[n 8 Parts. Price 5s. each. The Fourth Part having been issued, the Price is
now Raised to £s for the 8 Parts, Parts cannot be sold separately.
The Egyptian Book of the Dead.
Complete Translation, Commentary^ and Notes.
By the late SIR P. LE PAGE RENOUF, Knt. {President);
CONTAINING ALSO
^ ^nics of ^Blatcs of t^e ITtgncttcs of t!)c tJtffcrcnt ®|)nptcrs.
The Bronze Ornaments of the Palace Gates from
Balawat.
[Shalmaneser II, B.C. 859-825.]
To be completed in Five Parts.
Parts 1, II, III, and IV have now been issued to Subscribers.
In accordance with the terms of the original prospectus the price for
each part is now raised to ^\ icr. ; to Members of the Society (the original
price) £\ is.
Price 7s. 6d. Only a Limited Number of Copies have been Printed.
THE PALESTINIAN SYRIAC YERSION OF THE HOLY
SCRIPTURES.
four Recently Discovered Portions (together with verses from the
Psalms and the Gospel of St. Luke). Edited, in Photographic Facsimile,
from a Unique MS. in the British Museum, with a Transcription, Transla-
tion, Introduction, Vocabulary, and Notes, by
• REV. G. MARGOLIOUTH, M.A.,
Assistant in the Departfuent of Oriental Printed Books and MSS. in the British
Museum ; formerly Tyi-ojhitt Hebrew Scholar.
Subscribers' names to be Addressed to the Secretary.
Society of Biblical Archaeology.
COUNCIL, 1900.
President,
Prof. A. H. Sayce, LL.D., &c., &c.
Vice- Presidents ,
The Most Rev. His Grace The Lord Archbishop of York.
The Most Hon. the Marquess of Bute, K.T., &c., &c.
The Right Hon. the Earl of Halsbury.
The Right Hon. Lord Amherst of Hackney.
Arthur Gates.
F. D. Mocatta, F.S.A., &c.
Walter Morrison, M.P.
Sir Gharles Nicholson, Bart., D.G.L., M.D.. &c.
Alexander Peckover, LL.D., F.S.A.
Rev. George Rawlinson, D.D. (Ganon o£ Ganterbury).
The Right Rev. S. W. Allen, D.D. (R.C. Bishop of Shrewsbury).
General Sir Gharles Warren, G.G.M.G., &c., &c.
Rev. Gharles James Ball, M.A.
Rev. Prof. T. K. Gheyne, D.D
Thomas Ghristy, F.L.S.
Dr. J. Hall Gladstone, F.R.S
F. Ll. Griffith, F.S.A.
Gray Hill.
F. Legge.
Rev. Albert Lowy, LL.D., &c.
Council.
Rev. James Marshall, M.A.
Prof. G. Maspero.
Glaude G. Montefiore.
Prof. E. Naville.
J. Pollard.
Edward B. Tylor, LL.D., F.R.S.,
&c.
Honorary Treasurer — Bernard T. Bosanquet.
Secretary — W. Harry Rylands, F.S.A.
Honorary Secretary for Foreii^n Correspondence —
Honorary Librarian — W. IlARRY Rylands {pro lent.).
HARKISON AND SONS, I'KINTEKS IN OHDINAKYTO HER MAJESTY, ST. MARTINS LANE.
VOL. XXII. Part 8.
PROCEEDINGS
THE SOCIETY
BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
VOL. XXIL THIRTIETH SESSION.
Sixth Meeting, November i^tk, 1900.
4^
CONTENTS.
PAGE
Pkof. Sayce [President). — I. Objects from the Tomb of a PrK-
dynastic Egj'ptian King. II. Some early Egyptian Seal-cylinders
[plate) 278-280
Joseph Offord. — Report, Congres International d'Histoire des
Religions 28 1-2S5
Rev. a. J. Delattre, S.J. — Quelques Lettres Assyrieniles 286-304
John Ward, F.S.A. — A Collection of Historical Scarabs and
others, with a few Cylinders 305~3 20
A /WWNA
Alan H. Gardiner. — (i)''^\\" and ^ ^^. (2). The demorstra-
live AvwAA , and its derivatives 321-325
S^v^ t
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PROCEEDINGS
OF
THE SOCIETY
OF
BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY-
THIRTIETH SESSION, 1900.
Sixth Meeting, \2yiJi November, 1900.
Prof. A. H. SAYCE, LL.D., President,
IN THE CHAII
-^^-
The President referred to the great loss the Society
had suffered by the death of the MoST HON. THE
Marquess of Bute, K.T., etc., etc., one of the Vice-
Presidents of the Society. Born 1 2th September, 1847,
died 9th October, 1900.
[No. CLXX.] 275
Nov. 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.^iOLOGV. [1900.
The following Presents were announced, and thanks
ordered to be returned to the Donors : —
From the Author :— W. Golenischeff. Vingt-quatre tablettes
Cappadociennes de la collection W. Golenischeff. St. Peters-
bourg. 8vo. 1 89 1.
Dr. Paul Haupt. Babylonian Elements in the Levite
Ritual.
Extract, Journal of Biblic \l Literature. 8vo.
From Joseph Pollard, Esq. -.—Catalogue of Egyptian Antiquities
in the Nadonal Museum of Antiquities, Edinburgh. By
Miss M. A. Murray. 4to. 1900.
From the Author : — Dr. A. Wiedemann. Die Toten und ihre
Reiche im Glaubero der Alten Agypter. Leipzig. 8vo. 1900,
Extract, Der Alte Oriejit.
The Rev. W. T. Pilter. Moses and the Pharaohs
(concluded).
Extract, The Church/nan. July. 1900.
The Rev. Charles Boutflower. " Darius the Median."
"Who was he?"
Extract, The Churchman. July. 1900.
Dr. James Henry Breasted. Ramses II and the
Princes in the Karnak Reliefs of Seti I. Zeits.f. Aegypt. Spr.
Dr. James Henry Breasted. The Length and Season
of Thutmose Ill's First Campaign. Zeits.f. Aegypt. Spr.
From Dr. Weisbach :— Tyrus bis zur Zeit Nebukadnezar's. Von
Dr. Friedrich Jeremias. Leipzig. 8vo. 1891.
From the Rev. C. A. de Cara :— Delia stela del Foro, della sua
Iscrizione Arcaica. Civiltd Cattolica. July, August, and
September.
From the Author : — Dr. Oscar von Lemm, Kleine Koptische
Studien, X-XX. St. Petersburg. 1900.
Extract, Acad. Imp. des Sciences.
276
Nov. 13] TROCEEDINGS. [1900.
The following Candidate was nominated for election at
the next Meeting in December : —
Dr. AV. Spiegelberg, 22, Vogesenstrasse, Strasburg.
To be added to the list of Subscribers : —
The Free Public Library, Belfast.
The Belfast Library and Society for Promoting Knowledge,
Belfast.
The following Papers were read : —
PjiOF. 'S>\YC^ {President) : (L) Objects from the Tomb of a prag-
dynastic Egyptian King. (IL) Some early Egyptian Cylinders.
Remarks were added by Mr. W. H. Brown.
I. Dr. Gaster : " The Wisdom of the Chaldeans," an ancient
Hebrew Astrological MS., which will appear in the
December Proceedings.
Remarks were added by Mr. G. A. Simcox, Dr. P'ried-
lander, Mr. John Tuckwell, Dr. Gaster and the Chairman.
IL Joseph Offord : " Report on the Congres International
d'Histoire des Religions." Paris. 1900.
Remarks were added by Mr. Theo. G. Pinches and the
Chairman.
277 z 2
Nov. 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILLOLOGV. L19CO.
(I) OBJECTS FROM THE TOMB OF A PR.^-DYNASTIC
EGYPTIAN KING; (II) SOME EARLY EGYPTIAN
SEAL-CYLINDERS.
Last winter I purchased the contents — or rather what the Luxor
dealers had left of the contents — of a tomb which had been found
by a couple of fellahin at Tukh, a little to the north of the tomb of
Menes at Negada, and near the prehistoric cemetery excavated by
Prof. Petrie and Mr. Quibell. Tlie contents include the character-
istic polished red and black ware which survived into the epoch of
the First Dynasty. One of the vases is 5]-| cent, high, with a
circumference of 68 cent, at the rim and 39 cent, at the foot, and
inside it there has been incised, while the clay was still soft, two trees
or plants, running the whole length of the vase and facing one
another, one of which was pronounced by Dr, Schweinfurth to
represent a palm. On the exterior of another vase of the same ware
a strange-looking animal, which may be intended for a lion, has been
scratched. Along with the red and black ware was found a globular
vase of coarse grey potter}' covered with holes, as well as alabaster
vases and a red and black bowl. Among the smaller objects are a
fossil sea-urchin, on the underpart of which "prehistoric " animals
and other signs have been drawn, a small alabaster vase, which has
never been hollowed out, slate ]:»laques or "palettes," one of tiny
size, while another is of this shape : Av L ^^ small plaque of marble
with a curious nick in one of its sides, and a " prehistoric " animal's
head, similar to two I have procured at El-Kab, but of considerable size
and adorned on the back with the figure of a man and an unknown
character. The most important objects, however, are (i) a number
of small plaques of ivory and slate which have been used for inlaying
a box, (2) the head-dress of a human or divine figure, and (3) part of
one of the shells which are frequently met with in the "prehistoric"
graves of Egypt. The head-dress is of black stone with a perforation
for attaching it to the head of a figure ; at the back it is inlaid with
an arc of ivory, under which lines are drawn to represent hair. On
the front is an inscription, exceedingly well engraved, which is given
as No. I in the plate. The greater part of the same inscription is
278
Proc. Soc. Bibl. Anh., Novonher, ic;oo.
q /^^
3 4
Obiects from Tomb.
ft^Dofss wiimi^
I I I 1 AA'V\ TtTT
4 5
Early Egyptian Seal Cylinders.
Nov. 13] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
repeated on the shell (No. 2 in the plate) where, however, the mace
and hawk are more rudely drawn. The king, whose cartouche is
thus twice repeated, is new to Egyptian history, as likewise are his
titles : "the Horus-hawk " and "the mace." He is not yet even
" King of Upper Egypt." But the cartouche itself, of which this is
the earliest example, in no way differs in form from that of later
times, and so throws no light on the origin of the hieroglyph.
Underneath the hawk the character intended must be the diadem
kha and not the cake /; to the left of the mace — which, it must be
observed, has the " prehistoric " shape — we have the urasus. The
diadem and urseus are omitted on the shell. How the name of
King S was pronounced it is impossible to say.
No. 3 in the plate represents a small calf's head of brown stone,
also found in the tomb of S, on which is a character that is rather
early Babylonian than Egyptian. It resembles, in fact, the early
Babylonian form of dim " to make." No. 4 is a plaque of ivory,
on which again is a character which reminds us of the cuneiform
syllabary. But the human figure with the tail of the leopard's skin
floating out behind it is that of the primitive Egyptian " palettes " of
which copies are given in the last No. of the Proceedings (see Plates
I and n.)
I have added some early Egyptian seal-cylinders to these relics of
King Menes' predecessor. Nos. i and 2 are two which were
obtained respectively by myself and Mr. Somers Clarke at El-Kab
last winter. They both came from the same place, the south-
western corner of the old city, where a portion of the town was built
over a "prehistoric" cemetery. I had already obtained a fine
alabaster bowl from the same locahty. My cylinder (No. i) is of
black stone, 2 cent, in length, and also in diameter. The hole is
small. The inscription is important as it shows that I was partially
right in the suggestion I made in my paper on " the Beginnings of
the Egyptian Monarchy" in the P.S.B.A. xx, 2. The characters
enclosed between the jl \\ (or fl fl) do indeed represent proper
names, though not necessarily royal names. The double [1 conse-
quently takes the place of the determinative of "man," but not of
the cartouche. This is proved by my El-Kab cylinder, which
plainly reads : " The double of Tadet " or " Dtat." On Mr. Somers
Clarke's cylinder there is only one | or H ; can it represent sa
"man "? This cylinder is also of black stone, and resembles mine
279
Nov. 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1900.
ill shape and size, though the hole is larger. I read the inscription
upon it : Jion Neferi-u7i-n-n "the servant of Neferi-unen," a name
with which it is tempting to compare that of Un-nofer or Osiris "the
good being." It will be noticed that in each case the ka of the
dead (?) man is seated with a table of offerings (or rather sacrificial
cakes) before him.
Cylinder No. 3 was bought last winter at Medinet el-Fayyiim by
H, S. Cowper, Esq., of Yew Fields Castle, Hawkshead, who has
kindly allowed me to publish it. It is very interesting as it reads
she n Ata D.A , "the lake-nome of Ata." Ata was the great-
grandson of Menes, and the cylinder is evidence that it was he to
whom the creation of the province of the Fayyum was originally due.
The proportions of the cylinder are the same as those of No. i, and
the perforation is small.
No. 4 is a large cylinder of white stone of the archaic Babylonian
type which I bought at Elephantine some years ago. It is nearly
4 cent, long and is 2 cent, in diameter. Two small holes have been
bored from either end, but without meeting; perhaps the owner
died before the work was finished. At all events the fact shows that
the cylinder is of local manufacture in spite of its Babylonian
appearance. The hieroglyphics are rudely cut and read : " Nekheb-
khen(?)-s, the governor of the two lands," — a title not met with else-
where. Then we have the name and picture of a dog unshiii) and
of another animal, perhaps the ichneumon, called zenef.
The last cylinder (No. 5) was bought by me last winter at Luxor.
It had been found in a ''prehistoric" grave at Negada. It is
3^ cent, long and 2 cent, in diameter, and is of a soft grey stone
with a small hole. The hieroglyphs are carefully engraved, and the
human figures may possibly suggest what was the origin of the
swastika, at any rate in the Levant.
I have some other seal-cylinders of the archaic Egyptian period,
which I hope to publish hereafter, as well as a copy of one which I
found this summer in the Antiquarian Museum at Edinburgh.
A. H. SAYCE.
280
Nov. 13] TROCEEDINGS. [1900.
17M October, 1900.
Dear Mr. Rylands,
As the Delegate of the " Society of Biblical Archaeology,"
who had the pleasure of being present at the " Congres Inter-
national d'Histoire des Religions," I have the honour of furnishing
the following summary of the proceedings at the Congress, notice
only being taken of those papers and discussions connected with
subjects appertaining to Biblical Archaeology.
The inaugural meeting was held in the Exhibition Hall, specially
constructed for the holding of congresses, and a numerous company
assembled to arrange the business procedure, and listen to an
address from AI. Albert Reville. The actual sectional work com-
menced upon the afternoon of the same day, and continued
throughout the week, only interrupted by a reception at the Musee
Guimet, and by the hospitable garden fete given by the revered
President, M. Albert Reville, at his beautiful suburban villa at
Auteuil.
In Sections i and 7, whose members united, a work of unmense
labour and erudition was presented by M. de Zmigrodski, who
exhibited a chart, or tableau, many yards long, upon which, in about
1,500 drawings, he had delineated all known examples of the
Swastika, pre-Christian crosses, solar wheels, &:c. This formed the
basis for a thesis endeavouring to prove a universal primitive
monotheistic faith, anterior to the animistic and polytheistic cults of
the earliest historical records.
In the same sections, at the final meeting, M. Stanislas Prato
read a paper comparing the worship of Ptah, whom he considered
the fire god of Egypt, with that of Hephaistos and Vulcan.
In the commingled Sections 3, 4, and 5, which were devoted to
Semitic and Egyptian religions, our esteemed Member of Council,
Professer E. Naville, was President. Here an important paper,
accompanied by numerous illustrations, was read by M. Capart,
entitled, " La fete de frapper les Anou." Having first presented and
commented upon all the Hieraconopolitan slate palettes and other
similar relics connected with the subject, he proceeded to present
the results of an exhaustive search for all published texts concerned
281
Nov. 13J SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1900,
with this archaic festival, unearthing them from many depositories,
such as the " Denkmiiler," and tracing the variants, or portions of
the texts, down through many dynasties. He also discussed the
origin and racial affinities of the Anou and the provenance of the
early Egyptians. His essay, when published in the "Acts of
the Congress," will mark a fresh advance in our knowledge of the
primitive Egyptian epoch.
Mr. Theo. G. Pinches also read a valuable paper upon
" Babylonian Religion in 2000 b.c."
It was an examination of the many interesting names upon
tablets, mostly trade documents of the period of the dynasty of
Hammurabi, or Amraphel. He selected these documents rather
than bilingual lists, or incantations, because of the difficulty of
deciding how much of the information derived from the latter really
appertained to the period, and to the people as distinct from the jjriestly
class, who naturally possessed opinions of their own. By adopting
this method, the relative popularity, in the province of Sippara, of the
various gods could, to a certain extent, be ascertained, and the names
of many rare divinities, not found elsewhere, tabulated.
A parallel to the deification of trees (for many sacred trees are
regarded as divinities in the inscriptions) occurs in certain of the
names which reveal the great cities of Babylonia : Sippar, Babylon,
and Opis and the rivers of the country : the Tigris and the Arahtu,
as divinities.
Comparing some of the names, indicated that even at that early
date a belief existed that the various Babylonian gods were to be
regarded as emanations of different aspects of one great divinity who
was chief of the Babylonian pantheon. All the deities, according to
a tablet already published, are forms of the god Merodach, and in
all probability another of the tablets inscribed with a number of the
names of the god Ea, and identifying him with his daughter
Nin-aha Kudu, bears witness to a still earlier belief that all the
deities then worshipped were manifestations of Ea, "father of the
gods," including Merodach, later chief of the pantheon. Mr.
Pinches said it might be a half formed theory, but it appears the
commencement of Monotheism, and is of extreme importance for
the history of religion. He referred to the Babylonian idea of a
future life, these texts appearing to show it was their writers' desire
at death to go and dwell with his deity in the place the god chose, in
the realm of the gods his brothers. That " the son of his god,"
282
Nov. 13] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
i.e., the pious man, should be taken to abide with the deity he had
served so well.
Mr. Maurice Vernes founded, upon certain Biblical texts, the
theory that at one period various Canaanite sanctuaries were used
both by the Jews and the idolatrous Canaanites as places of worship
of Jahveh and other deities. In some remarks following a paper by
M. Schmidt of Cornell, upon " Arabic Religious Evolution before
Mahomet," M. H. Derenbourg spoke upon the existence of the
deity named Sidk, Another paper from across the Atlantic was by
Professor Price upon the " Pantheon of Gudea.'
The writer presented a note upon the " Apollo Alasiotas ' of a
Cypriote inscription and " Apollo Reseph " ; suggesting that now
the Golenischef Papyrus ])roves Alasia to have been in Syria, the
Apollo Alasiotas was probably a Cypriote title for the Syrian Apollo,
as undoubtedly the Cypriote expression "Apollo Reseph " was, and
that these terms referred to the same deity. The identity of this
god with Shalman, the Sharmana of the Hittites, and Reseph of
Egyptian texts, was suggested by the Aberdeen stele, and the
Semitic origin of Apollo, the Aplu of the earliest Greek inscriptions,
from Aplu, "son of heaven," the title of Tammuz, was proposed.
M. P. Berger explained the " Illustrations of the Israelite
conquest of Palestine afforded by the Tel el-Araarna Tablets,"
indicating how the path for a facile victory for the invaders had
been prepared by previous wars and internal dissensions.
In the Greek and Roman sections M. Hartwig Derenbourg, now
" Member of the Institut," read a note entitled, " Taurobole and
Criobole," showing that the termination " bol " was not derived
from Greek /SaXXw, but from Semitic Bel or Baal ; and that the
words therefore meant Bull of Baal or Ram of Baal. In proof of
this he cited an Arabian inscription of one " Schour Baalam " or
"Bull of Baal." A paper by Mr. Conybeare, of Oxford, upon
"Animal Sacrifices in some Christian Churches," gave rise to a long
discussion, and was highly valued by the Christianity section, where
it was read. Rabbi Klein, of Stockholm, gave an interesting essay
upon the "Influence of the Essenes upon Christianity," though
some of his conclusions as to the Essenes derived from words in
the fourth Gospel were disputed.
In this section the ever recurring question as to the Jewish
conceptions as to the resurrection and a future life came up,
affording the veteran Dr. Oppert an opportunity to again deny its
283
Nov. 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1900.
existence as an early Jewish concept. M. Halevy was not present
to advocate the opposite opinion.
M. Jean Reville gave a summary of his work upon the Evidences
"as to the organisation of the Christian comm.unity in a.d. 125 to
140, derivable from the Pastor of Hermas," specially noting
the absence of any superior Roman Episcopate.
As indicating the chronological scope of the Congress, which, as
stated, discussed the prehistoric Swastika symbol, this section
listened to an address by Abbe Denis upon " The Influence of
Kant and Hegel upon the Historical Criticism of the Origin of
Christianity." At the Exhibition, to which all Congress members
had free access, in an upper gallery, were magnificent specimens, or
replicas, of the chief monuments, both artistic and literary, obtained
by M. de Sarzec at Telloh ; also the chief spoils in sculpture and
bronze of the Delphi expedition ; the lovely Antinous, the unequalled
bronze Syracusan charioteer ; and casts of many of the bas-reliefs
from the Delphic Treasuries. Casts of some Punic African inscrip-
tions were also shown, and many hundreds of photographs of all
MM. Delattre's, Toutain's, and Gauckler's, and other savants'
researches in Africa and Asia.
The most interesting item of the Mesopotanian collection at the
Exposition is a restoration of the Telloh " Vulture stele " by
M. Heuzey. The work has been executed by means of casts of the
various fragments in France, assisted by one of a small piece
presented to M. Heuzey lor the purpose by the British Museum,
which restores to its place the right foot of the great figure of a
divinity who holds a number of captives in a sort of cage or net.
The re-arrangement of this piece upon tlie opposite side of the
relief completes a curious scene depicting a funerary ceremony
after a battle. Alongside of a pyramid of corpses are a number of
sacrificed animals, and a nude personage is perched on the summit
pouring out a libation. This is directed not upon the bodies of the
slain, or the animals, but upon bouc^uets of palm branches, with
their flowers at the time of bloom suitable for fecundation. These
are placed in two large vases adjacent to a bull, who is the principal
sacrificial victim. The various registers or panels into which the
tableaus upon the stele were divided are now correctly delimitated,
and if any further fragments come to light, they can promptly be
placed in their proper positions.
The Bibliotheque Nationale has this year acquired a manuscript
284
Nov. 13] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
containing a considerable part of St. Matthew's Gospel, which,
because of its antiquity and paleographical character, is likely to take
a very important position among New Testament codices. The
text is inscribed in exquisite golden uncials upon purple parchment,
and some of the pages are illuminated by beautiful miniatures
depicting scenes in the life of our Lord. At the sides of these, as
in the Rossano Codex, are portraits of the prophets, bearing scrolls
representing their Messianic prophetic books.
The finest previously known purple codex, the Rossano, is
inscribed in silver letters, and this purple and golden codex is, I
believe, unique. It was obtained from Asia Minor, and is ascribed
by M. Omont to the time of Justinian.
Results of M. Dieulafoy's excavations at Susa are apparent in
many parts of the Exhibition, fountains, staircases of massive
enamelled bricks (copied from the Persian archer, and lion friezes)
being common, also pictorial representations of modern scenes
depicted in a similar architectural manner. The utilisation of
massed surfaces of enamelled bricks as a form of architectural
ornament has been artistically achieved by the French, and thus the
researches of an archjelogist have impressed a new conception upon
the culture of our time.
M. de jNIely is editing for the French Academy a new manuscript
of Harpocration, which gives a description of the Birs Nimrud or
Tower of Babel in the IVth century a.d. Ii; then still retained its
seven stories, and a full account of its appearance and dimensions is
preserved in this new text.
JOSEPH OFFORD, M.J.S.
285
Nov. 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1900.
QUELQUES LETTRES ASSYRIEXNES
Essai dHiiterprctation
Par a. J. Delattre, S.J.
Le texte dcs pieces sur lesquelles nous nous exercons se trouve
dans R. F. Harper, Assyrian and Babylonian Letters. — Quand les
pieces traduites sont en e'criture babylonienne, nous notons cette
particularite.
I.
K. 1 61 9/;. — Harper, 308
SiRUA-ITIRAT A AsSUR-SARRAT
Une femme du nom d'Assur-sarrat a blesse par ses pretentions
Sirua-itirat, fille ou soeur d'Assur-iiil-ilani, dernier roi de Ninive
La princesse la remet en son rang et lui envoie I'expression de ses
cruels dedains.
Recto
1 . A-bit marat sarri a-Jia
2. {/.) Assur-sarrat
3. a-ta-a diip-pi-ki la ta-saf-ti-ri
4 . iin-bn-ki la ta-kab-bi-i
5. u-la-a i-kab-bi-n
6. ma-a an-ni-lu-u ahat-sa
Verso
7. sa {/.) Sirua-i-ti-rat
8. inartu rabi-tii sa bit ridfi {pl.)-ti
9. sa (//.) Assur-itil-ildni ukin-in-ni
I o. sar?-n rabic sarru da7i-nu sar kissati sar mat Assur
11. u at-ti ma-rat gal-lat bilit bit sa (li.) Assur-bani-apal
12. mar sarru rabji >a bit ridu {pl.)-ti
13. sa Assur-ah-iddin sar mat Assur
286
Nov. 13] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
(i) Avis de la fille du roi (2) a Assur-sarrat. (3) Tu n'ecriras
plus ta tablette, (4) tu ne diras plus ton mot, (5) de peur qu'on ne
dise : celle-ci est la soeur de Sirua-itirat, (8) la grande fille du bii-
ridi'/ti, (9) qu'a etablie Assur-i'til-ilani, (10) le grand roi, le roi puissant,
le roi de la multitude, le roi du pays dAssur, (11) et toi tu es la
fille de I'esclave de ia dame du palais d'Assur-bani-pal, (12) le grand
fils-du-roi du bii-ridfiii d'Assur-ah-iddin, roi du pays d'Assur.
Notes
LI. 1, 2. — Assur-sarrat, dans sa correspondance et dans ses dis-
cours, se donnait un titre qui I'egalait a une princesse royale. Cela
ressort des lignes 5-10. Elle recoit defense d'en user ainsi a
I'avenir.
Imbu, pour inlii, Ce dire etait le titre quelle se donnait et
qu'on lui refusait.
L 7. — Une sceur d'Assurbanipal (K. 501; Harper, 113, verso,
1. 8) s'appelle Sirua-itirat. Malgre le s au lieu du s, elle est peut-
etre la meme que I'auteur de notre lettre. Celle-ci en effet ne dit
pas qu'elle est fille d'Assur-i'til-ilani, fils d'Assurbanipal, mais qu'elle
est la grande fille ^ c'est-a-dire, la premiere en rang des princesses de la
maison d'As.-it.-il, qui I'a constituee telle (1. 9). Voir la note, 1. 12.
Line 8. — Ridfdi signifie goJivtrneinent^ comme ridu signifie
gouverner (Asarhaddon, inscriptions des prismes A et C, col. II,
1. 41 ; Brok. Cyl., col. II, 24). Le bit-riduti n'est pas le harem.
C'est dans le bit-riduti que naissaient les enfants royaux ; c'est la
qu'ils etaient eleves, qu'ils recevaient leur education litteraire, qu'ils
apprenaient a tirer de I'arc et a conduire les chevaux ; mais c'est de
la aussi que le roi gouvernait ; c'est la qu'il tenait des assemblees
solennelles des grands de son empire, et que, dans les cas douteux,
il designait son successeur et lui faisait preter hommage par ses
principaux sujets.
Tout cela est dit au long par Assurbanipal dans le Prisme Rassam
(cf. Jensen, dans la Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek, T. II, pp. 152-157).
Le bit-ridiiti etait la partie du palais special ement reservee a la
famille royale ; I'expression signifie le quartier pri?icier. Que les
simples femmes de harem fussent logees la, rien ne le prouve. Le
harem devait etre contigu au bit-riduti : il n'est pas necessairement
compris sous cette denomination. II n'est pas certain non plus que
tout ce qui naissait dans le harem fut considere comme prince royal.
L'expression fils ou fille du bit-riduti de tel roi, insinue au contraire
287
Nov. 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGV. [1900.
qu'il y avait des fils et filles du roi qui n'etaient pas du bit-i-iduti.
II est raconte (Pr. Rs. col. Ill, 11. ii-iS) (]ue Ualli, roi de Manna,
en signe de profonde soumission, envoya a Ninive, pour baiser
les pieds d'Assurbanipal, Irisinni, le viar riduti-su. Cela signifie le
■fils dc sa domination, son heritier presomptif. Traduire : le fils qu'il
avait engendir, c'est, dans ce conte.xte, taire dire a Assurbanipal
rien du tout.
L. 9. — Plusieurs ont lu, en un mot, Assur-itil-ilani-iiJiinni^ bien
que le nom du roi dont il s'agit se lise ailleurs Assur-itil-ilani. Notre
lecture et notre interpretation nous semblent justifiees par les faits
exposes dans la note a la ligne 12. En vertu de ces faits Assur-
banipal aurait pu diie: Asarhaddon vi'a constitute ukin-inni, grand
fils-du-roi ([jremier prince royal) du bit-riduti.
L. II. — L'origine d'Assur-sarrat est ravalee du cote maternal
seulement. Toute la lettre indique qu elle etait de sang royal par
son pere. Mais elle n'etait pas fiUe du bit-riduti, et soeur ou parente
reconnue de Sirua-itirat.
L. 12. — Ce tiire ne tend pas, centre Tintention de la lettre, a
relever la condition d'Assur-sarrat, mais le nom d'Assurbanipal.
II est etonnant qu'Assurbanipal ne soit pas designe ici simple-
ment comme roi d'Assur ; il ne Test pas moins qu'Assurbanipal lui-
meme, apres la defaite et la mort de Samas-sum-ukin, par conse'quent
apres au moins vingt ans de regne, commence sa principale inscrip-
tion (Prisme Rassam) en ces termes tout a fait insolites : "Assur-
banipal, grand fils-du-roi du bit-riduti.'''' On en est d'autant plus
deconcerte que dans k'S inscriptions qui sont anterieures, puisqu'il
y parle de Samas-sum-ukin vivant, Assurbanipal prend le titre de roi
(voir Lehmann, SanuissumuJ^in, 2^ partie, pp. 14-27, et tables 17-22,
25-27, 32, 34-39)-
Quel est le mot de I'enigme ? Nous croyons pouvoir le donner
aujourd'hui mieux que nous ne I'avons fait jadis.
Assurbanipal, dans une des inscriptions anterieures a la revolte
de Samas-sum-ukin, enumere ses freres, suivant leur rang d'age. II
nomme Samas-sum-ukin, son frere talimi ; Assur-mukin-palia, son frere
kuttinni ; Assur itil-sami-u-irsiti-balatsu, son frere sihra (Lehmann,
op. cit,, 2® P., p. 18; table 25, 11. 1 1-18). Les mots kuttinnu et sihru,
signifient, Tun et Tautre, /c//// ils sont employes ici dans le sens
comparatif de minor et minimus. Samas-sum-ukin etait done plus
age que les deux freres nommes apres lui. II est qualifie par Assur-
banipal, dans d'autres passages encore, de frere ta/imu ; a son tour,
288
Nov. 13] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
il appelle Assurbanipal son frere taliinu. (Lehmann, op. cit., 2® P.,
p. 12; table 9, 1. 24.) lis sont done egaux en age, taliinu signifie
jiimemi {cf. Delitzsch, Ilandw., pp. 707, 708). II est impossible,
en eftet, de s'arreter a I'idee qu'ils etaient nes de meres differentes au
meme moment. Mais la succession au trone d'Assyrie ne pouvant
etre devolue qu'a un seul, Asarhaddon se decida en faveur d'Assur-
banipal ; il le fit reconnaitre comme grand fils-du-roi du l>it-riduti\ et
le pla(^a sur son trone, comme heritier presomptif, dans une assem-
blee solennelle des ses grands officiers et de ses vassaux. C'est ce
qu'Assurbanipal nous raconte au commencement du Prisme Rassam.
Nous apprenons par la meme inscription (col. 3, 11. 70-77) que
Samas-sum-ukin tenait son titre de roi de Babylone non pas de son
frere Assurbanipal, mais de son pere Asarhaddon. Si on pouvait
douter de I'exactitude de ce renseignement, nous le confirmerions
par des lettres a Asarhaddon dans lesquelles Samas-sum-ukin est
nomme fils-du-roi, de Babylone, c'est-a-dire, heritier presomptif du
royaume de Babylone (Harp., 23 et 113).
Malgre le temperament dont usa Asarhaddon, il semble tout a
fait improbable que Samas-sum-ukin ait jamais reconnu sincerement
a Assurbanipal des droits superieurs aux siens, et qu'il se fut con-
tente meme d'une entiere independance dans son apanage de
Babylone. La viar-sarruti d'Assurbanipal, c'est-a-dire, sa qualite
• de mar sarri par excellence, qui lui donnait le droit au trone
d'Assyrie et a I'empire, semble lui avoir ete disputee. Du moins
il remercie les dieux de lui avoir conservee non pas sa royaute, mais
sa inar-sarruti, ses droits au trone (Prisme de Rassam, col. 10,
11. 60-63), expression tout a fait extraordinaire et certainement
intentionnelle. II se peut aussi que son competiteur eut laisse des
fils, heritiers de ses pretentions. Dans ce cas Assurbanipal et ceux
qui se rattachaient a lui avaient interet a rappeler sa mar-sarriiti.
Et c'est ce que fait Siruaitirat, qui doit sa position a Assur itil-ilani,
son pere ou son frere, fils d'Assurbanipal.
Dans cet ordre d'idees, fils-du-roi exprime done la naissance et,
de plus, un titre, I'equivalent d'heritier presomptif. Preuve ces mots
de K. 626 (Harper 24), recto, 11. 5, 6 : sulmu ana mar sarri, svlmu
ana Samas-su7n-ukin, " tout va bien pour le fils-du-roi, tout va bien
pour Samas-sum-ukin." Celui-ci, fils du roi, n'est pas encore fils-du-
roi, ou n'est pas designe comme tel. II Test K. 602 (Harper 23),
verso, 1. 12 : mar sarri u mar sarri Babilu, " le fils-du-roi et le fils-
du-roi de Babylone " (et non fils du roi de Babylone). II s'agit
289
Nov. 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1900.
d'Assurbanipal, I'heritier presomptif par excellence, et de Samas-
sum-ukin, heritier presomptif pour Babylone.
Sirua-itirat, la grande fille du bit-ridtiti, avait, dans Fordre
fe'minin, una pree'minence supposant et sa naissance royale et de
plus una sorte de consecration, car Assur-i'til-lani, son frere ou pere,
I'avait constituee telle.
II.
K. 1066. — Harper 277
KUDUR AU ROI DE NiNIVE
Apres una introduction insinuante, Kudur engage le roi a
tanir a distance deux autres Babylonians ou Chaldeans, Musizib-
Marduk et I'oncle maternel de celui-ci, Bel-ibni, qu'il accuse d'avoir
des intelligences avec las Elamitas et de les aider sous main. —
Ecritura babylonienne.
Recto
1. A-na sar inatati bi-ili-ia
2. arad-ka (/z.) Kiidiir Uriik(^-ki) u Bit-A)i-na
3. a-na sar matati bi-ili-ia hk-m-bu
4. um-niu-ns-SH Istar Uruk[-ki) 71 (d.) Na-na-a
5. a-na balat napsati sa sarri bi-ili-ia u-sal-lu
6. (/z.) U-pa-kii sa sarru bilu-a is-pu-ru
7. id-lan-nu-nu Bit u Nabti Istar Uruk{-ki)
8. u id.) JVa-na-a id-tu si-it (d.) Safnsi{-si)
9. a-di i-rib (d.) Sanisi(-si) lu-kat-iu-nia
10. a-na sarri bilu-a lid-di-nii u sarra/ii
11. sa nap-har viatati a-na pa-ni [^J] kakki sa sarri bili-ia
12. lu-sak-ni-HU ta-ab-ta-a-ti sa sarri bili-ia
13. i-}ia ili-ia in-di-da u in-Jia
14 bil di-7i!-ia sa?-ru bili-ia
15 ■. . . . pi-lii-
16 i
17 • • •
18
19.
20.
Verso
290
Nov. 13] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
21. a-na mat su-mi- nu
22. (//.) Mu-si-zib-Marduk mar ahaii-su sa [h.) Bil-ib-7ii
23. sa II saniUt III sanitu i-na na-as-pa-ar-ti sa {h.) Bil-ib-7ii
24. a-ua pa-ni sarri bi-ili-ia illi-ku
25. (//.) Bilib-ni i-na muh-hi ip-ti-kid-sii
26. amilii sa Hi babi i-ga-bu-iiis-su sabi a-ga-a
27. Ill amil ra--ma-ni-i sa bit bili-ia su-nu
28. a-na i-bi-ri-su-nu a-na lib-bi it I ta-a-bu
29. i-7ia (i-i-mu sa mat sarri bili-ia
30. tiziid sa mat Ilamti i-pat-tu-u
31. -ft su-U7i-ku i-7ia 77iat Ila7/iti{-ki) sa-kin-77ia
32. sit -7m 7iia-ka-lu-u i-7ia lib-bi u-sab-su-u
33. a-7ia sa7'ri bili-ia al-tap-ra sarru bilu-a
34. ki-i sa i-li--u li-pii-iis
(i) Au roi des pays, mon maitre. (2, 3) Ton serviteur Kudur.
Puissent Uruk et le temple d'Anna etre propices au roi des pays, mon
maitre. (4, 5) Chaque jour, je prie Istar d'Uruk et Nana pour la
conservation de la vie du roi mon maitre, (6) Upaku, que tu as
envoye, (7) prevaudra. Que Bil, Nabu, Istar d'Uruk, (8) et
Nana, du levant du Soleil (9) jusqu'au couchant du Soleil, exter-
minent (les ennemis), (10) et qu'ils les livrent au roi mon maitre,
(10-12) qu'ils soumettent les rois de la totalite des pays devant
Varme{}) du roi mon maitre. (12) Les bienfaits du roi mon maitre
(13) ont ete nombreux pour moi
(22) Musizib-Marduk, fils de la sceur de Bil-
ibni, (23) qui, deux fois, trois fois, par mandat de Bil-ibni, (24) s'est
rendu devant le roi mon maitre. (25) De cela I'avait charge Bil-
ibni, (26) homme que Ton dit etre a la porte (du roi, demandant
audience), Ceux-la (M.-M. et B.-i.) (27) ne sont pas gens aimant le
roi mon maitre, (28) lis ne sont pas bons pour entrer dedans (chez
le roi). (29, 30) lis communiquent les nouvelles du roi mon
maitre aux oreilles d'Elam. (31) Et y a-t-il famine au pays d'Elam,
(32) ils y introduisent, eux, des vivres.
(33) J'ai envoye (ces renseignements) au roi mon maitre ; (34)
qu'il agisse comma il voudra.
291 2 A
Nov. 1.5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1900.
Notes
L. 2. — Unik et le temple d^Ainia, pour les dieux de la \ille et du
temple.
L. 6. — Upaku doit etre un general en campagne.
L. 7. — lidatinumi, forme I, 2, de da?iani/. Peut-etre pronongait-on
ittannunu ou iddanjiunu.
L. 13. — Indida, pour imtida, forme I, 2, de ma-a-du. LV de
la syllabe di, est probablement long, la forme fondamentale etant
im-ti-i-da.
LI. 22-24. — Ces lignes sont la fin d'une phrase dont le com-
mencement est efface. On accuse M,-M. d'un acte compromettant.
25 — Ina i)iii/i/n\ signifie concernant (cela). Bel-ibni avait charge
M.-M., de I'acte dont il est question 11. 22-24 et precedentes.
L. 26. — B.-i. etait parti pour la residence royale, et on disait
qu'il y etait deja arrive. La parenthese explicative est suggeree par
11. 26, 27.
L. 28. — Litteralement : lis ne soiit pas hotis pour entrer, eux,
dedans.
L. 29-30. — Litteralement : lis ouvrent les oreilles du pays
d'Elam en renseignemejit du ( = concernant le) roL " Ouvrir I'oreille,"
dans le sans de renseigner est un idiotisme assyrien tres connu.
Cf. Delitzsch, Handw., p. 37.
L. 32. — Usabsu, litteralement : lis font qu'il y ait {des vivres).
III.
67-4-2, I.— Harper, 399
Le roi de Ninive a Bel-ibni
Cette petite lettre, qui a paru enigmatique (voir Delitzsch,
Beitrdge zur Assyriologie^ t. I, pp. 236-238), devient plus claire, si
on la rapproche de la precedente.
Kudur n'a pas reussi, du moins cette fois, a perdre ses deux
rivaux dans I'esprit du roi de Ninive. Celui-ci fait savoir a Bel-ibni
qu'il admet Musizib-Marduk a sa plus intime familiarite. On
trouvera peut-etre les raisons de cette faveur dans une lettre de
Bel-ibni au roi (K. 10. Harper, 280), dont nous nous occuperons
dans la suite. — Ecriture babylonienne.
292
Nov. 13] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
Verso
1 . A-Jiiat sarri
2. ana (/<;.) Bii-ibni
3. subnu (-mil) a-a-H
4. lib-ba-ka
5 . iH-ii-ta-ab-ka
6. i7ia Hi lyh.) Mil si-zib-Marditk
7. ina-al um-mi-su i-tir-ba
8. i-na pa-ni-ia
9. harran i/ia sij>i-sic
Recto
10. al-ta-kan
11. 7iu-bat-ti
12. ina ]Vinua{-ki) ?// /-///
(i) Parole du roi (2) a Bil-ibni. (3) Je vais bien. (4) Que
ton coeur (5) soit heureux. (6) Pour ce qui concerne Musizib-
Marduk, (7) en chacun de ses jours, il entrera (8) en ma presence ;
(9, 10) je ferai route par ses pieds (c'est a-dire, il m'accompagnera
dans mes voyages); (11, 12) il ne poussera pas de lamentation a
Ninua.
Notes
L. 3. — Cette ligne (qui se traduirait lilteralement : bon etat a
moi) forme une phrase complete, sans le lien grammatical qu'on
y a vu avec les deux lignes suivantes, comme le prouve ce passage
(K. 486. Harper, 303) d'un billet du roi a sa mere: Subnu dsi,
lu subnu ana urn sai-ri : " Je vais bien, salut a la mere du roi."
Le roi se permet de dire qu'il va bien. Personne d'autre n'en
use ainsi dans les lettres. La meme particularite s'observe dans les
lettres royales de Tell el-Amarna. Ce subnu dsi avec le vceu qui
I'accompagne, se lit le plus souvent en tete des lettres du roi de
Ninive (Harper, 287-307, 399-402). La lettre 403, commence
cependant ainsi: Amat sarri ana la Babilai. Subnu dsi. "Parole
du roi aux non-babyloniens. Je vais bien " ; et sans exprimer le vceu
habituel, le roi entre en matiere, et reprimande le groupe de
Babyloniens indignes de ce nom auquel il s'adresse. On voit le
motif de cette omission. — Dans les lettres 304-307, le roi omet le
sulmu dsi et le bon souhait, sans doute a cause du rang trop inferieur
des destinataires.
293 2 A 2
Nov. 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILLOLOGV. [1900.
Au lieu de sulmu asi, on rencontre trois fois (Harper, 298-300),
la formule optative hi siilniu asi. Mais ce sont des restitutions
contraires a I'analogie (voir 287-297, 301-303, 399-403), qui n'ont
aucune probabilite. Si les lacunes des tablettes indiquent trop
d'espace pour hdmu ecrit ^y^-w//, on doit supposer ^yCyyirY '''''"'''
qui en demande davantage. II est vrai cependant que le roi ne
peut pas toujours dire qu'il se porte bien, et Ton congoit des cas
oil la formule optative lui conviendrait davantage. INIais il faudrait
des exemples certains de cet emploi.
Au sulmu asi (ou aisi"^) des messages royaux, correspond la
maniere de demander une reponse at; roi. On le prie d'envoyer de
ses bonnes nouvelles : sulmu. Je cite un exemple (Harper, 44),
que je traduis en latin, pour mieux suivre I'ordre des expressions
assyriennes :
Sulmu sa sarri bilia — tub lihbisu — u tub sirisu — ijui gabri —
sa igirtia — sarrji bilu — atui {auiil) ardisu—lispjira.
Salutem regis domini mei, — bonum cordis sur, — et bonum
carnium suarum, — in responsione — ad epistolam meam, — rex
dominus meus — ad servum suum mandet.
Ou bien on lui dit (Harper, 50) :
Salutem regis in responsione ad epistolam
riieam audiam {las mi).
Ligne 12. — Le dernier mot: ^ ^y peut se lire i-kit, i-mal,
et, dans I'ecriture babylonienne, qui est celle du document, /-///
(Briinnow, 597). La derniere lecture donne seule un sens. ////
serait le futur du verbe alalu au sens d'ulularc. II est vrai que ce
verbe ne s'est rencontre que dans le sens de pousser des cris de joic
(Delitzsch, Hniid^u., p. 73). Mais s'il y avait un alalu tabu {ibid.),
il est a croire qu'il y avait aussi un alalu la tabu. — Cette interpre-
tation est tres probable, si nubattu signifie reellement lamentation,
comme le soup^'onne M. Delitzsch {Handw., p. 446).
IV
Excursus
Sur le sens de "Sulimu ana, purku, matahu."
Lu sulmu ana, " Salut a tel," est la formule de politesse ordinaire
qui suit I'indication du destinaire et de I'envoyeur dans les lettres
publides par lA. R. Fr. Harper. On rencontre deux fois seulement,
294
Nov. 13] TROCEEDINGS. [igco.
a cette place, sulmu a?ia, sans la particule optative (151, 336), et
ces exceptions, vu I'usage contraire si invariablement observe, pro-
viennent probablement d'oublis des scribes. En revanche sulmu
a7ia Y, chose ou personne differente du destinataire, se lit en
quarante-neuf passages: lettres 5, 7, 9, 12, 24, 32, 62, 92, 99, 108,
109, 126, 128, 129, 130, 138, 139, 146, 174, 175, 176, 178, 186,
191, 196, 197, 199, 200, 208, 216, 225, 226, 227, 232, 233, 254,
261, 264, 313 (douteux), 314, 315, 318, 343, 349, 363, 388, 392,
397> 424-
Nous avons vu des traducteurs prendre sulmu ana V comme un
souhait. Nous pensons au contraire que c'est toujours une afifirma-
tion et que la formule signifie que tout va bien pour les personnes ou
les choses dont il s'agit. II importe d'etablir un point dont depend,
en tout ou en partie, le sens de tant de lettres.
II faut traduire de la meme fagon su/mu ana au commence-
ment de la lettre 349 (babylonienne), que nous citons en entier :
Ana sarri bi/ia — aradka (//.) Marduk-sar-aMsu — sa pitkudamii
sa bit {h.) Nabu-lu (?) — i?ia Bai'zip {ki) inassarii — lu sulmu ana
sarri bill — libbi sa sarri bill ma'adis lutabi — sulmu ana masartaia —
asar sarru bilia ipkidanni — adu ana sarri bill altapra — {amil) Bar-
zipai sa sihi ipussunu-ma — ahamis idduku' — anini ina mulihi massarta
sa sarru bili-ani ipkidannanni usuzanni — [amil) Utu'ai (amil)
Iad7ikuai il {amil) Rihikuai — sa sarru bilia ittl usazizzi — ana mas-
sartctni — itti aliamis 7ii7iassaru — libbi sa sarri billni lutabi — sarru
bili-ani lissu-annasi ma lib ;// lutabansi (pour lutab-annasi).
"Au roi mon maitre — Ton serviteur Marduk-sar-ahisu, — qu'il a
etabli pour garder la maison de Nabu-/// (?) a Borsippa. — Salut au
roi mon maitre. — Que le coeur du roi, mon maitre, grandement se
rejouisse. — II va bien pour mon poste de garde — ou le roi mon
maitre m'a place. Maintenant — ^je mande au roi mon maitre : —
Les Borsippiens qui ont fait un soulevement — se tuent les uns
les autres. — Nous, nous restons au poste de garde auquel le roi notre
maitre m'a prepose.— Utuhiens, Yadakiens, Rihikiens, — que le roi
mon maitre a postes avec moi pour le garde, — nous veillons ensem-
ble.— Que le coeur du roi mon maitre soit content. — Que le roi nous
degage (?), et que notre cceur a nous soit content."
L'auteur de la lettre garde, a Borsippa, une maison qui renferme
probablement quelques depots appartenant au roi. Le poste est
intact jusqu'a present, mais il est menace; on fait savoir ces deux
choses au roi. Le correspondant est a peine connu du roi ; c'est
295
Nov. 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1900.
pour cela que, centre Thabitude, il decline son titre. II parait tout
a fait incroyable qu'il dise siilmii ana luasaj-taia dans le sens de
Vive inon poste; son poste est trop insignifiant.
Nous ne croyons pas davantage que I'auteur de la lettre 343 crie:
" Vive le fort que je garde," dans Textrait que voici :
Ana sarri bilia — aradka (Ji) Zaba — {amil) ral> {v.) Jialsji- — sa (v)
Appina — In sulmu ana sarri stilmit ana {?') halsu — sithint ajia (amil)
ardchii-^sa sarri bilia.
"Au roi mon maitre. — Ton serviteur Zaba,— commandant du
fort — de la ville d'Appina.- — Salut au roi mon maitre !— Bon etat du
fort, — bon etat des serviteurs du roi mon maitre."
Les serviteurs du roi sont apparemment les hommes aux ordres
de Zaba. On ne voit pas pourquoi on pousserait un vivat en leur
honneur, dans une lettre au roi.
II faut comprendre de meme sulniu ana halsu, suhnu ana biraf,
birti (citadelle), dans des passages comme celui-ci (38S) :
Ln sulmu ana sarri bill — sulmu ana (v.) halsu (314, etc. : ana
birti).
Que les enonces de ce genre fassent partie des renseignements
donnes au roi par ses correspondants, cela est dit formellement dans
la lettre 261 :
Ana sarri bil'ini — ardanika (//.) Nabu-sum-lisir u l^h.) Dan-Bil-
luniur — /// sulum ana sarri b'llini — umma ana sarri bilinia-ma—
suluni ana (z\) luilsi il imuki sa sarri— libbi sa sarri bilini
lutdbi.
"Au roi notre maitre. — Tes serviteurs Nabu-sum-lisir et Dan-
Bil-lumur. — Salut au roi notre maitre. — En ces termes au roi notre
maitre : Bon etat des forteresses et des troupes du roi. — Que le
coeur du roi notre maitre soife content."
Le sens affirmatif de I'expression est egalement evident dans les
lettres 224 et 225, envoyees par un certain Uhati, et moulees dans
la meme forme. Nous citons le numero 225, parce que 224 offre
trop de lacunes.
Ana sarri b'lli-ia — aradka (//.) Uhati — /// sulmu ana sarri — sulmu
ana viasarti — adannis — sulmu ana mad-ba-ri-\J^ sa mat Hamati
gabbu — libbu sa sarri bili-ia lutab — bit sarru ....
— — la nismi — sulmu adannis.
" Au roi mon maitre. — Ton serviteur Uhati.- — Salut au roi mon
maitre. — II va bien pour la garde,— absolumcnt. — II va bien pour
tout le desert du pays de Hamat. — Que le coiur du roi mon maitre
296
Nov. 13] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
soit content nous n'avons pas entendu. Bonne
situation, absolument."
Uhati dit au roi que la garde se fait bien et qu'il n'est rien arrive
de facheux dans le desert d'Amath, c'est-a-dire que les tribus de
cette region sont restees tranquilles. Le sens afifirmatif est naturel ;
le sens optatif serait absurde.
La lettre 196 debute ainsi :
Lu sidnui ana sarri bili-ia
snlniu ana mat Assiir (ki)
sulimi. ana ikurrati
sulniu ana (v.) birat sa sarri gabbi
libbu sa sarri bili-ia adannis liitab
On pourrait se demander si lie exprime a la premiere ligne n'est
pas sous-entendu devant sitlniu aux lignes suivantes. II n'est pas
sous-entendu, comme le demontre la lettre 92, oil nous lisons dans
I'ordre inverse :
Sulmu ana ^:^\-^ ^^Jf ^lij
sulmti ana ikurrati
suiniii ana (v.) Assur
snlniu ana mat Assur {ki)
lu sulmu ana sarri bili-ia
Ces deux lettres sont adressees au roi dans une de ses nombreuses
absences, et on lui dit, avant ou apres la salutation ordinaire, que
tout va bien au pays d'Assur.
La necessite de repeter lu ou lu dans une serie de sulmu optatifs
est confirmee par les salutations de la lettre 377.
Lu sulmti lu sulnni lu sulmu ana sarri bili-ia adu I M lu suimtc
ana sarri biii-ia.
" Salut, salut, salut au roi mon maitre ; jusqu'a mille saluts au
roi mon maitre."
La difference essentielle entre lu sulmu et sulmu est aussi bien
marquee dans la lettre 146 par la reprise de lu sulmu:
Ana sarri bill — aradka (Ji.) Assur-risua — lu sulmu ana sarri
bill — sulmu ana 7nati sa sarri — sulmu ana (z'.) halsu — lu sulmu ana
sarri bill.
"Au roi mon maitre. — Ton serviteur Assur-risua. Salut au roi
mon maitre. — II va bien pour le pays du roi, il va bien pour la
forteresse. — Salut au roi mon maitre."
297
Nov. 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCiI.EOLOGV. [1900.
Le pays dii roi, c'est evidemment la portion de territoire gardee
par Assur-risua autour de la forteresse qu'il commande. II faut
entendre dans le meme sens afifirmatifla formule suhnu ana mat
sarri dans les autres lettres ecrites au roi par des officiers employes
dans les provinces. Voir lettres 128 1. 4, 129 1. 3, adressees au roi
par un fonctionnairc de service a Kar-Sarrukin, forteresse batie par
Sargon en Medie.
Dans la lettre iqi, on repond par un suliiiu ana affirmatif, a une
question que le roi est cense se poser a une nouvelle inquietante
qu'il recoit.
Istu (v.) Iskia — ana (v.) Dui'-Saj-rukin atalka — ikdibi'ini (pour
ikiihuni) — via ri-i-bu (rac. nn"l) — ^'^'i sibti la arJni Addaru — itia {v.)
Diir-Sarriikin iriamaba (pour irtafiaba, rac. 3,n^) — 2suri sarru —
bill ikabbi — jna 'au riitu \ina\ lib diir mimini — subnu ana isnti — ana
gursUi — ana ikalli — ana dur — ana bitati sa niaJiazi gabbi — Ubbu sa
sa7-ri bili-ia Iiitab.
" D'Iskia — je me suis rendu a Dur-Sarrukin. — Oil m'a dit : —
" Une tempete, — le 7® jour du mois d'Adar, — a fait rage a Dur-
Sarrukin." — Si le roi — mon maitre dit : * Y a-t-il eu quelque
dommage dans la forteresse ? — (je reponds :) pas de dommage pour
les temples, — pour les ... . , — pour le palais, — pour la forteresse, —
pour aucune maison de la ville.- — Que le coeur du roi mon maitre
soit content."
II faut interpreter sulniu ana comme nous le faisons, si I'on ne
veut pas rendre trop bizarre le commencement (seule partie con-
servee) de la lettre 232 :
L71 sulnin ana sarri bili-ia
sulmu ana ihirraii
suhmt \ana\ (?'.) Kalha
sulmu ana zinnisat ikalli
sulnni ana {aniil) kalluti
\sa'\ (■p). Dur-san-nkin
Si les sulmu 2-5 sont o])tatifS; on salue ici pele-mele le roi, les
temples, les villes de Kalach et de Dour-Sargon, et les femmes
du palais, c'est-a-dire du harem royal. II est plus naturel d'ecrire
au roi absent que tout est au mieux pour ses femmes comme pour
le reste.
* Ou l;ien : I'eut-etre le roi mon maitre se dira-l-il.
298
Nov. 13] PROCEEDINGS. [1500.
II est aussi, non pas plus nature!, mais plus conforme a I'induc-
tion philologique, de comprendre sitlmic ana dans ce sens que Ton
donne de bonnes nouvelles, a Asarhaddon, ^m fils-du-roi, c'est-a-dire
de I'heritier presomptif, Assurbanipal, et de son second fils, Samas-
sum-ukin (24) ; a Sargon, de bonnes nouvelles de Sennache'rib, le
grand Jih-du-roi {216, cL 108, 109).
La lettre 62, que nous aliens citer, ne dit absolument rien si on
y prend siilmu ana dans le sens optatif. EUe est adressee a un
personnage dont le titre est efface.
Ana ^^ y y "^ hili-ia — ai-adka (//.) Nabu-ium-
iddin — /// sulmu ana bili—id) Nabu u {d.) Marduk {d.) Istar sa
Ntfiua {ki) {d.) Istar sa Arba-il a-na bili-ia lik-ru-bu — lu-sal-li-nm-
ka — libbaka kaianiani lutaba — subnu ina biti ana nisi sa ina (v.)
Ninua — u sulmu issika (d.) Bil u (d.) JVabu lipkidu.
Le destinataire est en voyage ; on lui donne de bonnes nouvelles
de ceux des siens qui sont chez eux, ina bit, do7ni, a Ninive. Le
reste est de pure politesse. (On honore rarement le roi de plus de
civilites que le personnage auquel on s'adresse ici. On lui en donne
souvent moins. II arrive qu'on lui dise simplement : sa/ut au roi
moti maitre (par ex. 188 et 343, cites ci-dessus) ; parfois meme on
ne lui accorde que : To7i serviteiir, sans plus comme aux numeros
121-124, toutes lettres du meme Gabbu-ana-Assur. Certaines lettres
adressees aux rois d'Assyrie par leurs sujets sont gonflees de formules
obsequieuses, mais on n'y descend pas au degre de platitude qui
caracterise les vassaux chananeens du roi d'Egyyte dans les lettres
de Tell el-Amarna).
Voici la traduction de notre piece :
"Arhomme.r, mon maitre. — Ton serviteur Nabu-sum-iddin. —
Salut a mon maitre.~Que Nabu et Marduk, Istar de Ninive, Istar
d'Arbelles, soient propices a mon maitre. — Qu'ils te rendent heureux.
— Que ton coeur soit constamment joyeux. — II va bien chez eux,
pour les gens qui sont a Ninive. — Que Eil et Nabu attachent le
bonheur a ta suite."
On ne pent pas non plus range le premier sulmu, comme le
second, sous I'influence du lu qui est compris dans lipkidu, et
traduire : " Que les dieux attachent le bonheur aux gens qui sont
chez eux a Ninive, et la bonheur a ta suite." Car alors on a une
lettre qui ne renferme que des souhaits.
Pour avoir etudie toutes les particularites des contextes ou se
rencontre I'expression sulmu ana dans nos documents, il me reste a
299
Nov. 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1900.
la considerer dans une phrase speciale qui se rencontre dans six
lettres (5, 7, 9, 12, 178, 363).
Void comment elle se presente au numero 5 :
Lti sulmii ana sarri bill
(d.) jVadu (d.) Marduk Hani
raln'iti sa sanii u hsiti
ana sarri bill likrubii
tub libbi tub siri
ana sarri bili-ia
lidinu
ana pikidti sa (d.) Bilit parsi
sulmu adannis
libbu sa sarri bili-ia
adatinis bitab
La phrase en question est celle que nous imprimons en romaines.
Le mot pikidti signifie administration, mais c'est I'abstrait pour
le concret, les administrateurs, les preposcs, car au numero 12, dans
la meme formule, le mot est precede de t>vr[^ determinatif qui
indique des hommes. Les preposes dont il s'agit etaient charges
d'un certain ministere relatif a la deesse Bilit parsi (c'est a-dire, la
Dame des decisions).
Dans les lettres 5 et 12, notre phrase ana pikidti est
precedee et suivie de phrases optatives caracte'risees par hi, I. Elle
n'est meme precedee et suivie que de phrases forraellement optatives
ainsi marquees dans les lettre 7 et 178. Elle en est precedee,
mais pas suivie, dans la lettre 363. Elle insinue deja par ce con-
traste si persistant un sens affirmatif, qui sera parfaitement demontre
d'ailleurs.
La phrase signifie que tout est en regie dans le ministere relatif
a la de'esse Bilit parsi.
On fait savoir au roi (lettre 42, 11. 7 sv.) avec des expressions
semblables, ina sulnii, ina salifiti (pour saliniti), dans des phrases
affirmatives prec^dees et suivies d'enonces formallement optatifs,
qu'une procession des dieux s'est accomplie regulierement. Nous
donnons la partie narrative de ce passage, et les souhaits qui le
terminent, parce que cette derniere partie est tres instructive au
point de vue de la phrase sulniu ajia pikidti . . . . :
Jtiniali {anu salsu — Assur (d.) Adar ina sulnii ittusiu — ina
salinti itarbuni — Hani gabbu aniniar itii Assur usjini — ina sulnn ina
300
Nov. 13] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
siibiisiam ittusbit — lihbu sa sarri bill lutab — Assiir \Adar\ IC
sanati— ana sarri bill \liddimi\.
" Hier, le 3® jour, — Assur et Adar sont sortis heureusement, — et
heureusement rentres. — Tous les dieux, autant qu'il en est sorti avec
Assur, — se sont rassis heureusement dans leur demeure. — Que le
coeur du roi mon maitre soit satisfait ; — qu'Assur et Adar donnent
cent ans au roi mon maitre."
De meme, le bon ordre <iu/>/h'dli est un gage de longue vie pour le
roi, d'apres la lettre 9, ou notre phrase, encadree a part cela d'optatifs
comme aux numeros 5, 7, 12, 178, est suivie d'une proposition affir-
mant cette consolante idee. Peu importe qu'il s'agisse ici, comme au
numero 363, non plus du pikid/i dt Bilit parsi^ mais dM pikidti dxi bit
kutalli ; les deux sont mis sur le meme rang pour I'effet qu'on espere.
Ln subnic ana sarri bill
{d.) Nabu {d.) Mardiik ana sarri bill
likrubii sulmu ana
pikidti sa bit kutalli
risisu intatha
Hani rabfiti sa sarri bill
summnu issikkilni ninial-su
ana sarri bi/la
lukalliniu
Je traduis dans le meme sens que M. Delitzsch, Beiti-iige zur
Assyriologie, T. I, p. 225, excepte pour les parties imprimees en
romaines dans la transcription, et en italiques dans la version :
" Salut au roi mon maitre. Que, Nabu, Marduk, soient propices
au roi mon maitre. To2it va bien pour le service du bit kutalli ; sa
tete (la tete du roi) blanchira. Que les grands dieux dont le roi mon
maitre a glorifie (Delitzsch, Handw., p. 473) le nom, fasse voir au
roi mon maitre I'objet de ses desirs." *
* Ramman-Sum-usur, I'auleur de la lettre, fait ce bon souhait pour le roi : "a
cause de ces paroles et de ces benedictions {ikribi) que le seigneur roi a envoyees
a son chien, a son serviteur, au grison {parSiiini) de sa maison, et dont il Ta beni
{ikriibi'ini).'^
Nous n'avons pas la lettre du roi qui a provoque cette effusion de sentiment.
Mais on pent dire que le roi a parle a peu pres ainsi : yV. il N. i/dni rabnti ana
ardi-ia likritbii. Ce devait etre une distinction rare ; on ne rencontre pas cette
formule une seule fois dans les lettres royales publiees par M. Harper (287-307,
399-403). Le roi a glorifie {issikkihii) les nom des dieux en les appelant grands,
rabi'iti ; il a bcni, fait allusion au likrtibu de la formule dont nous avons cite
plusieurs exemples.
301
Nov. 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1900.
La tete du roi blanchirn, c'est-a-dire, le roi alteindra un grand
age, a cause de la regularite du pikidti du bit kufalli, comme il a
chance d'arriver a cent ans a cause d'une procession religieuse ac-
complie suivant les rites. Ce sens est rendu evident et pas moins
le sens affirmatif de la phrase siiliiiu a. p. . . . par la lettre 178 :
Ana sarri bilia
aradka {h.) Marduk-nasir
{d.) Nabit 11 (d.) Mardnk
ana sar?-i bilia
adannis adaiuiis
liknibu
sulmu adannis adannis
ana pikidti
sa (d.) Bilit parsi
libbi sa sarri
btlia
adan/iis lutabsu
sa pikidti
sa id.) Bilit parsi
sarru bili
inar-mari {p/.)-su
ina burkisu
lintuhu
parsuniati
ina ziknisunu
liniitr
"Au roi men maitre. Ton serviteur Marduk-nasir. Que Nabu
et Marduk soient grandenient, grandement propices au roi mon
maitre. Tout va tres, tres bien, pour le ministere de Bilit-parsi ; que
le coeur du mon maitre se rejouisse grandement. Grace au service
Bilit-parsi, puissent les petits-fils du roi mon maitre blanchir sous sa
protection (la protection du roi) ; qu'il lui soit donne de voir des
poils blancs dans leur barbe ! "
Sulmu adannis adannis ana piJiidti sa Bilit parsi, est le fait sur
lequel se fonde le souhait : libbi lutabsu. Et sa pikidti B. p.
reprend la meme fait comme fondement des voeux qui terminent la
lettre.
Nous avons traduit burki par protection, bien que peut-etre le
mot assyrien exprime cette idee avec une nuance ou une image qui
302
Nov. 13] PROCEEDINGS, [1900.
nous echappe. Ce sens est aussi indique par ces contrats qui
parlent de telle ou telle somme deposee comme gage, ina burki de
tel ou tel dieu, III Rawlinson, 46, 5, 24; 48, 5, 18; 50, 4, 21
(passages indiques, non traduits, par Delitzsch, Hdw., au mot
-hiirkii), et par I'oracle (IV R. 61, 69(7) qui apres avoir promis une
vie paisible a Asarhaddon, ajoute que son fils, et puis son petit-fils
exercera {upas ■= itppas, II, i, de ipisii) la royaute ina burki Adar.
Ce dernier exemple semble montrer que dans notre passage burki-su,
signifie la protection de Bilit, malgre su au lieu de sa, exception qui
se recontre frequemnient, mais la formule optative de notre passage
se repete dans la lettre 406, recto, 11. 12-15, sans qu'il y soit fait
mention d'aucune divinite. Le nom propre Barik-ihi (= protege de
la divinite) confirme notre interpretation de burki, et la lecture burki
au lieu dtpurki.
Iiituhu, et ititatha (lettre 9) sont mis pour imtuhu et iintaihii
(comme le prouvent les formes mutuh et amata/iuni ddins des passages
cites plus bas), et sont des formes I, i, et I, 2, du verbe viatahu. Le
sens de b/anchir, que nous iui donnons est insinue par les poils
blaiics de la phrase qui suit dans la lettre, et il s'applique a merveille
a la tete du roi dans la lettre 9, citee plus haut.
Maiahu signifie blanchir d'une blancheur eclatante ; il passe de
la (forme IV, 2) au sens general de briller (comme le latin candere
candor). Afaia/iu (I, i) a aussi le sens transitif, cdairer, et (I, i, 2)
probablement, dorer. Les exemples rassembles par Strassmaier
{IVorterv., 6168) et transcrits par Delitzsch {Handw.), et deux
autres que j'ajouterai, s'expliquent suivant ces sens, d'un enchaine-
ment tres naturel.
Mutuh itiika dugulanni (IV Rawlinson, 2" ed., 28b.), " Eclaire
tes yeux (=ouvre les yeux), regarde moi." *
Umd ittantaha ittahkim sap/a kakkah narkabti ina harrani sut
Bil izzaz, "Maintenant (Jupiter, la planete) brille, on I'apergoit
(litteralement, il est apergu). II se trouve sous I'etoile du Char,
dans le chemin de Bil." Ill Rawlinson, 51, 9.
Le sens de dorer me semble ressortir de Harper 231 (K. 556),
piece malheureusement fort mutilee. II est question la de travaux
executes pour le roi de Ninive auquel la lettre est adressee. On lit
11. 4-1 1 :
* Cite par Delitzsch [Handio., p. 435). Je regiette de iie pouvoir recourir au
contexte, n'ayant pas a ma porte'e la deuxieme edition de IV Rawlin on.
Nov. 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1900.
(//.) Sant/ii sa ana i/iur h[^kiir'] >iia viar (h.) Sa[dir\
i-i mana hurasi a\jia\ . . . it id in ma 50 ly ^|^ intata/i ana
mar {h. ) Sadir husahc
Sanini s'est revoke, il a dit que le fils de Sadir avait remis
a X une mine et demie d'or. X, avec cet or, a fait un certain
travail {intathd) qui a produit ou modifie d'une certaine maniere
50 objets (dont la designation est effacee). — Comme on sait, par les
exemples precedents, que le verbe matahu exprime I'idee de briller,
il n'est pas impossible que intatah signifie ici dorer, d'autant plus
que les 50 objets sont peut-etre des vases, car le mot /lusabii, qui se
presente ensuite, derive de la meme racine que Ijasim et Jiashatu,
poterie.
Les lignes 12-14 sont completement effacees. Nous lisons
ensuite :
(/^.) Sadi?- sanati sarri [mar/ ?]
(/i.) Sadir ina ikal itaJjru md nitiniSi ma istu ikal ikdibiinasi ma istu
{a}7iil) sabi isgar nnisiiha sa {Ji.) Sanini idabubuni ma at a inisi md
ki sa anaku ina raniima isgar amataJiitni md sfi ana 7-amini\sii\
lintuhu.
Omettant la partie trop mutilee, nous traduisons :
" Les . . . de Sadir se sont revokes dans le palais, disant : Nous
sommes fatigues. Du palais on nous a dit : Depuis qu'on fait
briller le isgar, quant a Sanini il a dit : Je suis fatigue. Comme
je dore par moi-meme le isgar, que lui aussi (Sadir) le dore pour
lui-meme (pour sa part)."
[Itahru est la voix I, 2, et ihur, dans la premiere citation, est la
voix I, I, de ahant qui doit signifier se rejeter en arriere, resister).
Musuha, pour mussuha, voix II, i, de masaJiu, qui se dit a
la voix I, I, des etoiles : Une etoile mishu imsih, "a brille
d'eclat ". Misih kakkabi est donne dans les documents lexico-
graphiques assyriens comme synonyme de sarar kakkabi, I'eclat des
Etoiles (voir Delitzscb, Handw., pp. 430, 431, 575).
Isgar complement de musuha, Test de menie amata/iu dans la
suite de la phrase. Cela insinue, pour amatahu, un sens synonyme,
celui de dorer, indique deja par le commencement de la lettre.
304
Nov. 13]
TROCEEDINGS.
L1900.
A COLLECTION OF HISTORICAL SCARABS x^ND
OTHERS, WITH A FEW CYLINDERS.
The Property of Mr, John Ward, F.S.A., of Belfast.
The arrangeinciit and translaiions were made with the kind assistance of
Mr. F. Llewellyn Griffith, b:U the descriptions, done in simple style for
beginners in Egyptology, are in the Author''s own words. Dr. Walker has
given valuable assistance in the preparatio7i of the hieroglyphs for press.
202.
SCARABS, PLATE L
NEB • K A • RA. This was the first king of the IIIrd Dynasty
according to Manetho, who calls him Nekherofes. On
the Turin list he is known as Neb Ka. On the Abydos
tablet he is also named v — y \ |. But on the Sakkarah
list he is called ( O
as on this scarab. It is
of coloured steatite, very beautifully cut, and is mounted
in a gold filigree ring, which is possibly of XVIIIth
Dynasty work. This king's date is supposed to be
4212 B.C., and he reigned 28 years.
206. KHA-F-RA, IVth Dynasty (3908-3845 b.c). The builder
of the Second Pyra-
mid of Ghizeh and of
the beautiful granite
temple near the Great
Sphinx. The scarab,
which is of steatite, is
wellpreservedjbuthas
lost its green colour.
the king's name with
the additional title of
"Lord" ^^37. This
great monarch is
rendered familiar to
us by his fine por-
traits found in his
temple and preserved
in the Cairo Museum.
DluRllE STATUE OF KHA'FRA.
Cairo Aliisenm.
305
Nov. 13]
SOCIETV OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGY.
[ 1 900.
207. MEN-KAU-RA, IVth Dynasty (3845-3759 bc.). Mr.
Grififith considers that this scarab is not of this king's
_ actual date, but made in
memory of liim. The
figure seems of later
date, but the cartouche,
with the plumes over it,
O i"^*^^ t ) ], gives the
name as on his monuments,
with the royal title v_^
l)elow the whole. Correctly,
within it should be ^J"U ^ ,
but on scarabs the names
are often abbreviated. We
liave also a portrait of this
king, the builder of the
Third Pyramid of Ghizeh,
and also of the Pyramid of
Abu Roash {vide Petrie's Hist., Vol. I, p. 55). There was a
priesthood for the worship of Menkaura, of which traces
have been found for more than a thousand years after his
death.
331. NEFER-AR-KA-Rx\, Vth Dynasty (3680-3660 b.c.)
A unique cylinder of this monarch is
STATUETTE OF MENKAUJ:A.
Cairo Miisetun.
CZUjJ-
shown on Plate XVI, along with illustrations of other
KAKAN cylinders in the Collection. (Some think this king
was also known as Kakaa, but this is doubtful).
2K).
UNAS, Vth Dynasty (3536-3503 J'-c), [ ^ /] P ]
The
pyramid of this king has been recently explored. It is at
Sakkarah, and though ruined externally, the tomb-chamber
is perfect, and contains some of the celebrated "pyramid
texts," beautifully cut, and still retaining their blue paint.
The sarcophagus is entire, and the three granite portcullises
which closed the entrance passages against violators are still
/// situ. The king's remains were found in the coffin. But
the pyramid itself, though well built inside, is a ])Oor affair
306
Nov. 13] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
after the great ones of Ghizeh or Medum, and shows a great
falling off in every way from those works of five hundred
years earlier.
213. RA • EN ■ KA, VIIth-VIIIth Dynasties (3230-3220 b.c),
f 0^^y>AJ[_j j, sometimes called NE-KA-RA. A pretty
little scarab with lotus group on either side of the cartouche.
A very few scarabs are known of this king, but his name
appears in the Abydos record, and some day doubtless his
tomb will be found. Meanwhile we have only his scarabs
and the Tablet of Abydos to prove his existence, for this
part of the Turin papyrus is lost, and Manetho does not
name him.
About this period the exact sequence of kings and dynasties
becomes rather obscure, and there are several scarabs shown
on Plate I whose owners have been moved back and forward
by "experts" rather unmercifully (Nos. 7, 214, 222, 212
and 14). They have been placed as high as the VIth
Dynasty, as low as the Xth or XIth, or even lower.
Their proper date will be proved some day ; but meanwhile
I have not fixed any period opposite them in the plate, and
have placed them all below the scarabs of the XIIth-XIIIth
Dynasties, of whose period we are certain. However, as I
am quite convinced that these scarabs are much earlier than
the XIIth Dynasty, I shall proceed to describe them now.
7. MAA'AB-RA is placed by Dr. Petrie {Historical Scarabs)
in IXth-Xth Dynasties. The specimen figured is a fine
one, engraved on steatite, its green colouring gone. In
addition to the ordinary name of the king, [ © r--hp q •O'll ,
it also bears the signs | I A "r> neter nefer dy ankh, and
also other signs flanking the cartouche.
214. S • KHA • N • RA is of the same period— and belongs
to a king known only by his scarabs. In addition to
his name, the scarab has the signs neter nefer, thus
M J O — »— Q ._ Q /w^AA J . The tomb of this king may
be found any day, and his place determined in the royal
list.
o
07 2 B
Nov. i3j sociirrv of i;ii;lical arcii.kologv. [1900.
222. KHYAN is placed by Dr. Pctrie following the above in
IXth-Xth Dynasties (about 3100 n.c). There is no
doubt about this monarch, his granite statue was found at
Bubastis, bearing his name, but unfortunately headless.
This is one of the finest of his scarabs, containing the
king's name within scroll-work ( O tjO ^ f^^w^ | and ^^
"son of the Su}i'' above, and " dy ankh," '■'■ giving life,'" A -V-
below the cartouche. This king must have been a great
conqueror, for a lion of granite, bearing his name, was found
at Baghdad, and his monuments are scattered over Egypt.
This king is generally believed to be of the same grou])
as SHESHA but
212. SHESHA may be more ancient than the last. The inscription
reads, O ^^ "son of the Sun" f 1 v^ 1 \ w 1 [j J "Shesha"
A -Y" "'dy ankh," " giving If e/' His scarabs greatly resem-
ble those of Pepv of the VIth Dynasty.
14 is another scarab of SHESHA with f © ^^^^ 1 w 1 1 w 1 [j |
"son of the Sun Shesha," within vertical lines of ornamental
signs. The backs of these scarabs are well executed, and
they retain some of their original green colouring.
[Now we will describe several interesting scarabs, about whose
period there is no doubt. They are of the glorious XHth
and XIHth Dynasties, the golden age of Egypt.]
215. AMENEMHAT I, XHth Dynasty (2778-2748 is.c). This
is, strictly speaking, not a scarab but an amulet, if not a
royal signet, or perhaps used for both. The inscription is
clearly cut in bold characters, the throne-name or prenomen
( O p =^ '0' ] Se. HOTEP. Ai!. RA, with T ncfcr added for
some reason. On the other side is a well executed engrva-
ing of the "strong bull," which was the usual kingly attri-
bute of [)Ower and strength, with ■¥■ nnkh in front and 1
below the head. A colossal portrait of this king was found
at Tanis, which shows a pleasing expression of countcn-
308
Nov. 13] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
ance combined with high intellect. He erected great temples
at Tanis, Bubastis, Memphis, Koptos, and as far as Korosko,
in Nubia, remains of his works
are to be found still. He pos-
sibly commenced the great irriga-
tion works and reclamation of the
Fayum, and I)r, Petrie found
remains of a granite statue of
him at Crocodilopolis. It is
interesting to possess this great
king's signet, and to see from
his portrait "the manner of man
he was." I have another memo-
rial of Amexemhat I, a cylinder,
which is represented on Plate XVI,
No. 365. It carries his family
m
AMENEMHAT I.
AMEN EM HAT out in full,
which is engraved on the chalky skin of a flint, naturally
pierced so as to revolve on a spindle. It is interesting to
have seals with both names of the monarch.
53. USERTESEN I (2758-2714 b.c.) was son and successor of
the last king. He left behind him even greater monuments
of his prowess and taste. This scarab gives the king's
throne-name ( O ^ Lj | Kheper • ka • ra, while the other
216. one depicted gives us his family name
fl
spelt out, User"T"es"ex. A\'e have the portrait of this king
also, which Dr. Petrie found at Koptos, in the ruins of a
great temple built by him there. He was the builder
of many temples, and the obelisks at Heliopolis and one
in the Fayum were erected by him. He left records of
his victories at Wady Haifa, and at Beni Hasan much
mention is made of him. x\t Tanis he had three colossal
statues, and he carried on the great reclamation at Lake
Moeris, in the Fayum, which his father had begun. In
fact his great works were carried on over all Egypt and
309 2 r, 2
Nov. 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII.EOLOGV.
[ 1 900.
beyond its boundaries.
USERTESEN I.
From Abydos.
He mu.^l have been a good ruler,
for his ^'izier at Beni
Hasan records "that
there was not a
hungry man in the
land " during his
reign, " and when
years of famine came,
he made the people
live." This is the
tale of his viceroy,
and it is like what
1 >ord Cromer's men
have been doing in
the "low Nile'' of
last year. The obe-
lisk at Heliopolis
erected by this king
is the oldest monu-
ment of that kind in
the world. The origi-
nal of the portrait can
be seen at University College, London ; it is beautifully
sculptured on fine limestone.
344. (Plate XIV), USERTESEN II (^0 3^)1 Throne name
Kha-Kheper-Ra (2684-2660, i!.c.). Of this king I pos-
sess a cylinder, which is
remarkable as showing
two royal cartouches of
different sovereigns, as
will be described below.
Dr. I'etrie discovered his
pyramid at lUahun, in the
Fayum. This king was
so proud of the develop-
ment of the new province,
that he had his tomb
placed there. His works
were extensive, and re-
rECTOKAL OK USERTESEN II.
Found at Dalishtiv.
Nov. 13]
PROCEEDINGS.
[1900.
cords of them exist at Tanis, Eeni Hasan, Assouan, and
elsewhere. A statue of his Queen, Nefert, was found at
Tan is.
218. Usertesen III, XIIth Dynasty (2660-2622, B.C.). This scarab
hears the king's throne title, abbreviated f O Q U I Kha .
kau . ra. This king was buried at Dahshur, where
De Morgan identified his pyramid. Though only now a
shapeless heap of ruined unburnt brick, it had at one time
f "
USERTESEN III. Pectoral of (jold and Picciou^ Stones.
been plated with white polished stone. The royal family
were buried within its enclosure, and here De Morgan
found, in the tomb of a princess, a wooden box containing
jewellery. Another treasure was found near it, the two
being of the value of ^70,000. These had escaped the
attentions of ancient plunderers. The princess had been
daughter of Usertesen II and sister of Usertesen III.
513. Of USERTESEN III I have a cylinder-seal which still gives
an excellent impression and bears both his cartouches,
throne name (oq1jlJ'U'| in full, Kha-kaii-ra, and
also his family name I ] 1 *^~~'
1
Usertesen. It is
well cut and in perfect preservation (Plate XVI), and is
quite a unique memorial of a great king.
311
Nov. 13]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOC V.
[1900.
344.
Bears the cartouche of Amknemhat III (2G22-2578 u.c),
(Plate XVI), witli
his throne name
Maat • EN • RA in full
Co
5>
LT.]
as well as the car-
touche of his grand-
father UsERTESEN II.
It was possibly a
royal sign manual for
the Fayum province,
in which these two
kings took a great
interest, and had
their royal pyramid
tombs both placed there, at Hawara and Illahun. As will
be seen on Plate XVI, this remarkable seal makes a perfect
impression, despite its known antiquity. The portrait of
Amenemhat III is subjoined. Amenemh at seems to have
RE1.T0RATI0M OFA COLOSSUS.
BIAHMUFAY'jn
PORTRAIT OF AMENEMHAT III.
DR. PETRIES RESTORATION OK ONE OK THE COLOSSAL STATUES OK
AMENEMHAT III.
completed the reclamation and the irri^'ation works of Lake
Moeris, and the fertile Fayum province, which excited the
admiration of Herodotus, two thousand years after his
time. Dr. Petrie's published discoveries at Hawara and
Illahun, and Major Provvn's fine work on the Fayum of
To-day (.Stanford, ])ublisher), give most interesting descrip-
tions of this curious oasis, and its ancient and modern
wonders.
312
Nov. 13] PROCEEDINGS. 1900.
220. SEBEK • HOTEP I, XIIIth Dynasty (about 2460 b.c),
( =ss=- , 0 . y I is a scarab of a king about whom little is
known, though his works have been found at Bubastis, and
far up the Nile, at Semneh. On the island of Argus,
beyond the third cataract, two colossal granite statues of
Skbek • HOTEP I still exist.
219 is' believed to be a royal scarab of KHENZER, the last
king of the XIIIth Dynasty, but the two cartouches are
somewhat mysterious. One reads, " En Maat Ra "
f o /wwvA ^^p ' Q I ; this name is almost the same as the
title of x\menemhat III, but the second one shows that it is
not his. The other cartouche is I '• I j| j j Nefer
Ka Ra. The vultures above the cartouches, the "vZI^ neb,
neb, ■4-<^f^kh, and T ?iefers around them proclaim the king's
additional title. He must have reigned about 2120 B.C.
But about this time Egypt seems to have become weak
in military strength ; spoiled with wealth, which excited the
cupidity of its enemies, it became an easy prey to invasion
from Asia, by hordes of nomads or shepherds, called
Hyksos, who seem to have overrun the land, and held it
in bondage for several centuries. Manetho supplied names
for the XIV-XVIIth Dynasties, but the kings during this
interregnum have not been fully investigated yet. The
invaders eventually seem to have adopted the religion and
language of the old nation, and scarabs, of undoubted
Hyksos rulers, with hieroglyphic inscriptions, are found, but
not by any means common. One of these. No. 16, is
rather remarkable, viz. : —
16. APEPA. XVth Dynasty (about 1898-1837 b.c.)—
"^ I ^ L I ) royal friend, Apepa. This is a very
peculiar scarab. I got it at Kom-Ombo, which shows that
the Hyksos rule extended further south than generally
recognized. The characters are rude and the meaning not
clear, but it is undoubtedly genuine, a most curious and
313
Nov. 13]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCIL^OLOGV.
[1900.
unique scarab. Apepa did much building at Bubastis, and
an inscription there records that he built " many columns
and a gate of brass" to the deity there. The head, of
which an engraving is appended, was found at Bubastis,
and is possibly a portrait of this king. Some authorities
think Apepa was the king under whom the patriarch
Joseph was Vizier. A Semitic race would favour the
Hebrews, who kept
flocks and herds like
themselves, while
" shepherds were an
abomination to the
Egyptians." This may
account for the He-
brews being allowed
to settle in the land
of Egypt, and one of
their tribesmen being
permitted to rise to
the position of Prime
Minister of the greatest
country in the world.
A century afterwards,
when the Hyksos rulers
were driven away by
the ancient legitimate
royal line, the Jews
would lose their friends, and when a king arose " who
knew not Joseph," persecution of all foreigners would be
the result, as befel the Israelites in the XVHIth Dynasty.
Before proceeding to this period, however, there are some
scarabs shown on Plate I which are worthy of mention,
and which may be placed more definitely when further
discoveries are made of dated tombs, such as are being
found every year.
238 is a scarab of the Vtit Dynasty, beautifully cut, better than
many of later date. The owner's name is very clearly
told f °|c=e=,l, I'talihctcp. One of the most interest-
ing tombs at Sakkarah was of a priest o( this name, who
314
HYKSOS KING, KUBASTIS,
British Museum.
Nov. 13]
PROCEEDINGS.
[1900.
had charge of the Pyramids of Uskr 'x-Ra, Mkn'-Kau -hor,
and AssA. The Egypt
)
Exploration Fund
have pubhshed two
splendid v o 1 u m e s
illustrating this fine
tomb, one of the best
of the period. His
son is buried in the
same tomb, and the
boy's games and
sports and studies are
all depicted, and an
interesting portrait of
the youth himself.
This Ptahhetep was
possibly the author
of the celebrated
collection of proverbs
which bear the name
of Ptahhetep.
278 is an interesting scarab.
^
LA
riAUHE|-EP S SON.
Its legend leads —
The A'i/n--'s eldest royal son
IM] ' "
Nehesir He was a prince of the XHTih Dynasty. He
erected monuments at Tanis and elsewhere, and is spoken
of as "a king"' at Bubastis. The word "Nehesi" means a
black man, but it may be merely a title such as our " Black
Prince," who, although the eldest son of a king, was
certainly not a nigger in complexion. Only one other
scarab of this royal prince is known. The Turin list has a
Ra-nehesi in its list of kings of the XHIth Dynasty, Some
of these days his royal tomb may be discovered, and we
shall then know more about him.
225 is evidently another royal scarab awaiting further development.
It has X37 neb (lord) at each side, and ostrich feathers as
supporters of the central name ( O \>^\ ^ | NUB • DAD •
RA, and Mr. Griffith thinks this is another instance of a
315
Nov. 13] SOCIKTV Ol- BIBLICAL ARCII.KOLOGV. [1900.
king known only by his scarab, awaiting identification
among the early monarch s of old Egypt.
227 is the memorial of a great man of his time, Har, the
Chancellor of the Exchequer or treasurer of the kingdom.
Other records of this great official, a sort of Lord
Salisbury of his time, exist, but his date has not yet been
proved. One day Petrie or Mr. Quibell may find his tomb,
which will give us the name of his sovereign. Petrie
thinks him of XIIPrH-XIVxH Dynasty, but time will tell,
no doubt. This legend reads, " Sahu biti mr sahut Har,"
V 9 "1 8 f" ^^-^^ I' " ^"''"""'" '^ '^" ^'^'^'
Chief of the Treasurers, Har" and is a very perfect scarab,
retaining some of its ancient green colour, with the beetle
back beautifully formed.
177 is a smaller scarab of the same royal minister, but has the title
somewhat varied, ^0^ ^^'^^^^^' '' '^^^^
Chancellor, the Chief sealer Har." He had been "Lord
Privy Seal "' as well !
277 is another royal mystery awaiting solution. The inscription
reads, ( © P ^ ===== |, S • KHPR • TA • RA, and is perhaps
the signet of a great king as yet unidentified. The scarab
is beautifully cut, is in fine state, and possesses its original
green colour ; it is of steatite.
267. i he signet of a princess or a queen, I %:v^ , " sat seien."
The beetle side is beautifully cut, but looks of later date
than the preceding ones as to its style. The scarab. has
much of its green colouring, and is in very perfect state.
203. XIUth Dynasty. A pretty little scarab of glazed steatite.
The cutting of the beetle has a look of great antiquity. It
bears in the centre T If j (compare No. 219, about same
date). " A'iyi'r A'rt," with scroll ornament at each side and
beneath.
10. XIIIth DvNAsiY. Bears much the same symbols, possibly
intended as a monogram of [ O U I J. The scroll work of
316
Nov. 13] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
spiral is ver)' good. The beetle side is beautifully cut, and
retains its green tinting ; glazed steatite.
280. XIIth Dynasty. The scarab of a princess ( I°| |
NEFER PTAH. The daughter of Amenemhat III, of
this name, seeins to have died before her father, and was
buried in his pyramid in the Fayum. Her alabaster altar
and dishes still remain (Cairo Museum), and a block of black
granite with her name and titles.
221. XIIth Dynasty. Another scarab of a royal princess
f n^j NUB HOTEP. The tomb of a princess of
this name, of XIIIth Dynasty, was found at Dahshur,
but this looks like XIIth Dynasty work, it is so good,
Mr. Griffith thinks. It is as near perfection as possible.
204. XIIth Dynasty f J tl ${ 1 NEFER KA. Another pretty
scarab, resembling Nos. 219, 203, 10, etc. All possibly
belong to same period, if not to the same king. The spiral
scroll ornament came in at this date and was a great feature
— the commencement. Dr. Petrie thinks, of the Egyptian
decorative period, and beginning of all such ornamental
design.
224. The scarab of a princess, Neferu, of high rank. The inscrip-
tion is very fuil, and well cut, err:] ITT K_^ ^\
'"'' Nebt fe7% Neferu^ nebf a?nak/i,'" "The house mistress,
Neferu, possessing the reward of devotion." Neferu may be
translated, " the most beautiful one." (In Petrie's Historical
Scarabs, No. 425, there is another scarab of this lady, but
with a variation in the inscription.) The whole is surrounded
with a very peculiar interlaced scroll border.
360 is a XIIth Dynasty scarab of very fine work ; the inscrip-
tion is well cut. M^ 4-4- I A I I r^^ ' possibly an
unknown king's name, or that of some great personage yet
to be discovered.
The princes of the legitimate line had preserved their
liberty in retreat in the south during the hated rule of the
317
N'^v. 13]
bOCIKTV OF lilBLICAL ARCIL-EOLOGV
L I 900.
Shepherd-kings, and after centuries of exile burst forth from
their hiding places, and drove the invaders from the throne.
This was a!)OUt the close of the XVIIth Dvxastv, 1500 b.c.
SCARABS, PLATE II.
Once the haled Hyksos rule was overtlirown, the old faith and
old ri'gi/iie were at length fully restored under the powerful rule of
AAHMP^S ; the whole of Egypt seemed to break into a new life
under the great XVIIIth Dynasty. The greatest works at Thebes
date from this epoch, when the old kings seemed to arise from their
tombs, to see their own race again predominant.
229. AAHMESI,XVHrrHl)YNASTY, i587-i562i!.c. r5^fj^37l
The scarab has three signs,
which stand for his throne
name of Neb • pehti • ra, while
his family name was known by
This kino:
was greatly revered both in
life and after death for nearly
a thousand years. His wife
was named Nefertari, and
was worshipped along with
him. She was a royal princess
by birth also. The mummies
of Aahmes and Nefertari
are preserved in the Cairo
Museum. Of all Egyptian
queens held in honour. Queen
Aahmes Nefertari was
venerated the most. The
scarabs of Aahmes has its
original green glaze, and is as
perfect a when made. The beetle is beautifully cut.
315. AMENHOTEP I was son of the above celebrated pair
(1562-1541 i;.c.). This ''scarab,'' instead of the usual
beetle, has a hawk-headed lion on the reverse, with -4-
31S
yrKicN AAHMi-:s m-:i-i:kiaki.
Nov. 13]
PROCEEDINGS.
[1900.
ankh, " life " above,
full ' " -^^
The inscription is his family name
Amenhotep. The most beauti-
^_D
ful temples at Thebes were
built by him. His mummy
and coffin are preserved in
the Cairo Museum, but
his magnificent tomb has
not yet been found, though
some energetic savants
think they know where it
is, and may find it any day
when allowed to search.
An ancient " inspection ''
of it exists. It had an
entrance 200 feet long.
The examination was made
•. MilMlLi 1 LI' I.
by a great official, Paser, m
the time of Rameses II. Strange to say, I have the seal
of this great man (No. 255). The mummy of Amenhotep
has never been unrolled. The garlands of flowers and
wreaths lie on his body yet, as they were deposited by
faithful mourners 3440 years ago ! I have other scarabs
of this o;ood kins;.
32. AMENHOTEP I.
in relief, and
A plaque with the
on the other side
head of Hathor
the familv name
i^ii^
Amenhotep. It is as perfect, with its
480.
bright green glaze, as when engraved, and the head of the
Egyptian Venus is well modelled.
AMENHOTEP I. This relic is only half of an amulet,
which had the two cartouches, but one is perfect
(^o'^tJ^j ZESER • KA • RA, h
is throne
name, with plumes of feathers for a crest above.
232. AMENHOTEP I. A blue-green scarab, with a fanciful
arrangement of the name
CiM]
3^9
Nov. 13] SOCIETV OF l^JBLICAL ARCII.EOLOGV. ['Qoo
372. AMENHOTP^P I, is a fine scarab, Imlliant green tint, and
with the beetle well cut. It has the name of the ^uv^
repeated many times, and with T and |, Nkfer and Ni-:ti:r.
"The good lord Amenhotep," showing how the kings were
the object of worship.
228. .\MENH0TP:P I continued within a scroll border ; we find
some curious signs preceding " . . . nhetep." The border
shows a return to the ornament of a previous period.
The beetle is beautifully cut, green colour preserved, steatite,
257. AMEN-MERT. The scarab of a princess-queen of early
XVIIIth Dynasty. One of the most beautiful in the
collection ; colour bluish-green, well cut inscription : within
ancient style scroll border ( I -^^ (1 1 ' " ^^^
great royal wife, Amenmert." Some day we will find whose
queen she was.
231. AMENHOTEP L Being a cylinder, has to appear on Plate
XVI, but may be mentioned here. It is a very beautiful
piece, brilliant green in tint, and well cut. On the flat
portion there is a peculiar scroll ornament. On the curved
part the inscription is 1 II ("^^"1 ^^'^^ ^^^ king's royal
title I O i '/ \ j 1 ^J-SER • KA • Ra, with the addition of
u dad, stabilty, 6cc.
373. (Plate XVI) is another cyHnder of AMENHOTEP I, and
also very fine. Prenomen I © | ^ | j J Zeser • ka • Ra,
wilh^J fide/' /le/ef^; the whole translates, "Sacred is the
Ka of Ra, the good god," repeated with ornamental detail.
406. THOTHMES I, XVIIIth Dynasty (1541-1516 B.c.),sonof
AiMENHOTEi' I. This scarab is in a fine preservation and
well cut. The king's cartouche in centre
Thotiimes, on one side, the figure of a bull on the other,
(To be cotitimied.)
Nov. 13] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
AAAAAfX
NOTES: (i) AND . (2) THE DEMONSTRATIVE
^^ AND ITS DERIVATIVES.
By Alan H. Gardiner.
The following notes are the sequel of an article on " The relative
adjective ," published in the Proceedings some months ago.
c^ \\
They are intended to deal with some outstanding points, and to
suggest certain modifications of my theory in accordance with
parallel expressions in the Semitic languages.
(i) ra-'//* is an adjective derived from _JU- VX,^^ "not."
Its meaning would therefore naturally be "as to which not ....,"
the clumsy English paraphrase being of course due to the non-
existence of an exact equivalent in English. In accordance with this
meaning the word is usually followed by a sentence expressing the
qualification to be denied of the substantive to which it refers. E.g.^
"^^^{iu I, "a book as to which writings be-
longing to it (do not exist)." In this clause the suffix 1 expresses,
as frequently, merely the possessor of " writings," i.e.. it qualifies
its substantive without defining it. On the other hand, the
the English "its writings" signifies not merely "writings belonging
to it," but '■^ tlie writings belonging to it." This usage of the
suffixes was pointed out to me by Mr. Griffith. It is common
in Egyptian, e.g., ,_rL^ , "there is not a master of his,"
v._V, '■'■any servant of his." Prof. Erman,! however,
thinks that originally meant "not having,"' so that the
example above cited would mean "a book not having writings
belonging to it." But it is hard to see whence the idea of posses-
sion could enter into an adjective simply derived from "not," and
* EriiiaJi, Graniuiai; §§ 371, 378.
t I.e.
: ov. 13] SOCIETY OK BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1900.
secondly, the suffix would he redundant, since , on his view,
already connoted possession ; the suffix in relative sentences
not being in any way parallel. In its further development
Stands before verbal clauses = . And finally, it is
^ W ^ W
AAAAAA
used absolutely, often in i)arallelism with , with "he exists" to
Ci W
be understood, for "the non-existent " as opposed to " the existent."
/VNAAAA
From the parallelism of with , it follows (ci) that is
^ ^ W ^ W ^ W
an adjective derived from ^ : {/>) that does not in itself
simply imply "existence," as might perhaps be inferred from the
Arabic equivalents _,t and ^A-. U) nor does necessarily
1 U^r. ' u^y ^ ' ^ w
mean "possessing."'
(2) In the postscript to my previous article, I suggested that the
preposition ^^AA/•A "to " "for" might be derived from a demonstrative
root -wwv. In support of this thesis I shall now try to show
(a) that a demonstrative /va/vva indubitably existed, (/') that ^^vww " to "
or "for" fl "of" and the relative word could i)lausibly be
^ ^ W
derived from it.
(a) As before stated, , , , A.\. and 1K , leav-
AAAAAA AAAAAA AAAaAA T I JHC^
AAA/VNA r\ A/vV^XA
ing aside the more dubious , 'wvw , and I , point clearly
^ I I I I I I I I II ^
to a demonstrative element /wwv> . It is also to be found in the
Semitic tongue, as is shown in the following quotation,*
" Die nachste Schwester des Arabischen, des Sabaische, driickt
den Artikel durch ein suffigiertes «aus .... vondemebengenaunten
determinierenden n zeigt das Arabische und das Hebraische keine
sichre Spur ; das Sabaische, Athiopische, und wiederum das
Aramiiische benlitzen es zur Verstarkung von Demonstrativpro-
nomina ; und nun hat sich in einer phdnicischcn Inschrift ganz
dieselbe Wendung gefunden."
At present, when Egyptian and Semitic are so well proved to
have been connected, there can be no reason for doubting that
this demonstrative ;/, found in both, is a common heritage from the
* XoLDEKE, Die Seinilisclien Spi-ac/ien, 2nd cd., 1S99, p. 15.
Nov. 13] PROCEEDINGS. [1900,
mother-tongue. The second usage quoted by Noldeke is remarkably
similar to one found in Egyptian. The Phoenician (e.g.) If is pre-
cisely parallel in its formation to the Egyptian ; "Jf is derived
from f, nf by the addition of a demonstrative n ; is likewise
derived from n by the addition of a demonstrative 'vv^^ . Unless
a common model, now lost, once existed in " Ursemitisch," or one of
these words was itself the model for the other, or finally, the resem-
blance be a mere coincidence — and there is nothing to favour these
suppositions — the strikingly parallel foimation is a significant proof
how deep the Semitic idiom struck its roots in Egyptian, ^^wvva may
now^ be accepted as having possessed a demonstrative meaning in
Egyptian, at least in compounds, and it is perhaps not too much to
assume that it once existed independently.
('''') ^l-) already mentioned as giving rise to the word Vf, further
shows in its derivatives a strikingly parallel development to
and its derivatives if we suppose f| and to have originated
in a demonstrative a^waa. In Aramaic "^ (='^?. "this") is com-
monly used between two substantives to express the genitive relation.
The origin of this usage seems clear. " This " before a coming
qualification, anticipates it and lays stress upon it. An analogous
tendency may perhaps be found in modern languages. In " this
house of his " " ce canaille de D . . . " the force of the demonstrative
is restricted to an anticipation of the following nearer definition,
but it links the qualified and the qualification closely together.
,j in Arabic, also etymologically equivalent to Hf, comes actually
to mean "the possessor," "lord of," followed by the genitive case.
On the other hand, the Hebrew ^"t*, the x^ramaic "7, and the Arabic
Ij are all used to introduce relative sentences. To turn to
Egyptian, fl and , as was shown in my previous article, are
certainly connected, and from the point of view of etymology,
though not of usage, equivalent to one another. The one introduces
the genitive, like "^i »j, the other introduces the relative clause,
like ^l, ,'j. And just as, in both cases, the Semitic words may be
referred to a demonstrative root, so may, as has just been seen, the
* Admittedly the equivalent of HT,
323 2 C
Nov. 15] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCIL^OLOGY. [1900.
Egyptian words be traced to the demonstrative ^^^^/^ . The triple
coincidence is so remarkable that I can scarcely doubt that the two
series of words are really parallel. On the other hand, it may be
objected (a) that the demonstrative ^^ww. is not found independently,
and (/') that the preposition '^'^w^ "to" or "for" is not accounted
for in this theory. To these arguments it may be answered (a) that
at least a reduplicated form J I is found, and that Egyptian is rich
enough already in demonstratives, so that it might well lose ^^/^^ ,
or rather, as we shall see, apply it to another use. (/>) The second
objection is far more weighty. On the one hand /vwwn " to " or
"for" seems quite obvioubly related, both in sense and form, to
A«AA/\A
n and ^^- These, on the other hand, have just been referred
to a demonstrative -^-^^ . Thus we are driven to identify the pre-
position '^^/^AA with the demonstrative ^'^wvv . A difficulty here
presents itself, since no parallel can be adduced to favour the
derivation of a preposition from a demonstrative. Perhaps however
this difficulty is not insuperable. It should be noted that most
Egyptian prepositions are easy to explain. <:!:=> arises from *^~P*,
"mouth," ^ "upon," from ^ "head," and so on. |^ is pos-
sibly the equivalent of 1?., c-?- avwvva stands alone in suggesting no
easy explanation. Hence we are entitled to look for one a little
further afield. Now assuming the derivation [] from a demon-
strative "^-"-^^ , the peculiar force of the demonstrative causes the adjec-
tive n , originally = " that," to acquire the meaning " belonging to."
Subtracting the meaning of the adjectival ending, we have for ^w/vn
the sense "to." A Rabbinic parallel brings out the point. H
has accjuired the sense ^'^, m which equation [1 equals, in usage, tT.
"^^^^ accordingly is equal to 7. Hence the demonstrative '■^'■^^^ can
have come to bear the meaning " to " or " for." Henceforward
'•^■^-^^ was a preposition. As such, it is easy to understand how it
ousted '-^^ as a demonstrative. It arose from it and took its
place.
If the view of the origin of '■'"•'^/>^, j\ , , set forth in detail
324
Nov. 13] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
above, be received, the theory as to the origin of put forth in
/=:> \\
my earlier article will have to be slightly modified. The construction
AAA^A/^
of will indeed still have to be explained by reference to that of
n , but both will be due to the peculiar demonstrative force which
has been illustrated from the Semitic languages. The clause
with will no loncier be explained as itself a defining; uenitive,
^ri W
but as afialogous to the defining genitive, the point of comparison
lying in the origin of both in a demonstrative. Thus will be
cr^ \\
far less of an anomaly from a linguistic point of view, than my
theor)-, in its unmodified form, seemed to imply. In fact it will be
parallel in all respects to the relative clause with ^'J, .'j and '^.
It seems scarcely possible to find support for the abo\e argu-
ments by the comparison of \\ with the " later absolute pro-
nouns " , ^ and their Semitic analogues, except after
submitting the latter to a rigorous analysis. Nevertheless, one
salient point deserves to be mentioned. Dr. Sethe has found a
parallelism in the uses of and ^ , ^ , etc. The similar
appearance of some of these forms immediately suggests, that there
may further be an etymological connection between them. On tht-
other side, the Semitic analogues of , ■^ , etc., contain, like
these, an n which Prof. Wright, though not without hesitation,
states to be demonstrative. The combination of these views is
distinctly in favour of the presence of a demonstrative element
'^'-^^^ in the relative word
A^AA/V^
325
Nijv. 13] SOCIETY OF BI15LICAL ARCILEOLOGV. [1900.
The next Meeting of the Society will be held at '^y.
Great Russell Street, Bloomsbur}', W.C, on Wednesday, 12th
December, 1900, at 4.30 p.m., when the following" Paper will
be read : —
F. J. Legge : " The Names of Demons in the Magic Papyri."
.^26
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VOL. XXIL Part 9.
PROCEEDINGS
THE SOCIETY
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BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
VOL. XXII. THIRTIETH SESSION.
Seventh Meeting, December 12th, 1900.
-*o^-
CONTENTS.
PAGE
Dr. M. Gaster. — The Wisdom of the Chaldeans : an old Hebrew
Astrological Text {plate) 329-351
Prof. J. Lieblein. — Le lever heliaque de Sothis le 16 Pharmouti... 352-357
Theo. G. Pinches. — The Temples of Ancient Babylonia, I 358-371
Joseph Offord. — PrKfecti yEgypti 372, 373
Seymour de Ricci. — The Prsefects of Egypt 374-383
Prof. Dr. Karl Piehl. — Egyptian Notes 384,385
John Ward, F.S.A. — Historical Scarabs — continued (i\ plates) .... 386-401
E. TowRY Whyt-e, M.A., F.S.A.— Note .„ 402
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The following Paper was read : —
F. Legge, Esq.: "The Names of Demons in the Magic Papyri.'"
Remarks were added by Dr. Gaster, Mr. W. St. C. Boscawen,
Mr. E. Towry AVhyte, Mr. Legge, and the Chairman.
528
Dec. 12] rKOCEEUlXGS.
1900
THE WISDOM OF THE CHALDEANS: AN OLD HEBREW
ASTROLOGICAL TEXT.
By M. Caster.
Among other papers and MSS. obtained some years ago from
old Nisi bis in Mesopotamia, came also a number of half obliterated
and badly damaged leaves of a MS. which at close examination
revealed itself to be a collection of magical formulas and recipes
written in many old Oriental hands. With the new discovery
of ancient Texts in the Genizah, our notions of Hebrew palaeo-
graphy are undergoing a complete change. It is now much more
difficult to fix the age of a MS. only from the handwriting. It has
been found that a form hitherto considered to be of a comparatively
modern origin may after all be centuries older than anticipated.
Still I would consider the writing of the principal part of this IMS.,
reconstructed after long and painstaking trouble, not to be later
than the XlVth century. The lower part of many a page has
become illegible in consequence of dampness and age. The date
of the writing is however not identical with that of the composition
of the MS. It suffices to remember that the oldest Hebrew magical
book known and lost one thousand years ago has been rediscovered
by me in this very MS. From it I published the famous " Sword of
Moses," which I have shown to be of the second or third century,
standing in close connection with the magic Papyri and with
the old magical books ascribed to Moses in Hellenistic times.
The MS. consists now of sixty-two leaves, a number of which is
in a bad state of preservation. Some pages are written in Arabic,
though with Hebrew characters, and these, as well as that portion
which appears to contain the oldest texts, is written by a bold and
careful hand. Other portions are written in a much smaller type
and at t.mes less carefully. In the middle of the XVIth century it
was the property of a certain Rahamim, son of R. Samuel INIalki or
Milki. He tells us (fol. 1 7/;) that " leaving once Egypt for Damascus
329 2 D 2
Dbj. 12] SOCIETV OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGY. [1900.
he liad hidden this book awa). On his return no one knew where
it had gone to, until he found it in the iiands of a young man. from
whom he bought it back at the price of seventeen 'grush.' In order
that the book should not be purloined for a second time, and his
title to it be called into question, he signs his name." He repeats
the same statement fol. 22/'. His writing is totall)- different from
any of the writings of the IMS. itself. From these notes, and
from the whole character of the contents, as well as from the
Arabic portions, it is evident that this collection has its origin in the
East.
Among the non-Hebrew words that occur in the charms we find
however some that are evidently Spanish. They are'called " La'az";
thus, the name of the charm known as that of " the Mirror," " Mirai"
and the conjuration itself, which is in Spanish. In another place we
find the word "purga," in the meaning of purging (fol. dia), also
mentioned as " La'az." On the other hand, at least one of the
mystical names invoked on some occasions seems to be merely the
transliteration of Cireek words, "megas Totma Tot." If all the
mystical names in this Thesaurus of charms, numbering close
upon four hundred in all, would be examined, many more will prove
to be of an exotic character, grown on the field of that syncretism
of Onostic speculation and Egypto-chaldean incantations. In one
place we find " Abraxel" ; in another "The Paraclet" is invoked. The
compiler has collected his materials from various sources, of
which some are mentioned. The fact that a few Spanish words
occur, proves that these have been brought back to the East from
Spain, where the knowledge of mystical literature had existed from
very early times. The authorities quoted by the compiler are : R.
Jehudah Hasid {ca. 1200), fol. lyi, \^b, 6ia; "The great Rabbi
Eliezer, of Qarmisha or Garmisa," i.e., R. Eleazar, of Worms
(Xlllth century), fol. 6/^, and his " Commentary to Genesis," fol.
loa; R. Aharon (fol. 13^), probably the famous Aharon of Babylon,
possessor of mystical knowledge and of the wonder-working Name of
God in the ninth century, as told in the Chronicle of Ahima'as, written
1055 (t'. Neubauer, Medieval Chronicles, II, p. 112 ff.); " Nah-
manides," fol. 13/', 23/', 48/'; " R. Samuel ibn Tibbon, in the name
of R. 'Ezra," f. 47/' ; " R. Samuel in the name of R. 'Azriel" (the last
two the well-known initiators of Nahmanides into the mysteries of
the Qabbala), fol. 46^7. Another R. Samuel, fol. 42a, 42//, 45^.
" A treatise of Sa'adya Gaon," fol. c,6a.
330
Dec. 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
Besides these more or less histori(\il personages there are others
less well known or mythical persons. The Patriarchs mentioned are
Moses, Elijah, and Elisha, further the cup of "'Ezra the priest," fol.
53/\ The charm communicated to the author by R. " mark the
Rabbi, ! " Joseph the Shidda, nephew of the demon Samhoris," fol.
43/^ (He is quoted also in the Tahnud as communicating such know-
ledge to a certain R. Joseph, Treatise Pesaheni, 11 or?, Erubin 43^;
" R. Jequtiel," fol. 46a ; " Menachem, the son-in-law of R. Baruch fol.
35^^; "R. Eli'e/.er the Sephardi," who is called ''pb^:in ^"in" fol.
23(Z ; R. Meshullam Sarfati, fol. 45/-'; R. Isaac Sarfati, fol. 50^?;
probably the Blind, one of the first enunciators of the modern Qabbala
in the south of France, Xllth century. A certain " R. Dan,"
otherwise unknown, fol. 60I) ; Samuel Ladib, fol. 60b ; (perhaps
Latif}. The mythical " R. Joseph de la Reyna " (of whom the
legend exists that he had succeeded to chain the demon Samael)
fol. 10^. Last, but not least, Rab Rehimai, fol. i2>a, mentioned
also in the Zohar. He is evidently identical with the scholar
whose name is spelt Rhumi, Rehimai, Rihumi, etc. (v, Neubaueer
Chronicles, s.v. in the index), who lived 456 e.c. The great
persecution under the Persian dynasty began in his time, and he is
the last author connected with the compilation of the Talmud.
No writing of his has come down to us, but a short treatise is
ascribed to him in our ]MS. on the mystical name of God. I dwell
on this name because I see in it the key to the mysterious
"R. Hamai " or " Hamai Gaon," to whom many mystical treatises are
ascribed, but who is otherwise absolutely unknown. This name is
probably due to a wrong reading of " Rehimai," taking the first
letter R, not as the initial letter of the name, but as the abbreviation
of the title '• Rabbi," which stands before almost every old name of
a scholar. Who ''R. Tabshulim the prophet" may be, quoted
f. 40b, is more than I know at present.
Besides these authors, anonymous books are also mentioned,
from which the compiler had drawn his materials. In the first place,
he often quotes the " Shushan Sodoth." There is a book in existence
with a similar title ascribed to Moses ben Jacob (ed. Korzec, 1 784)
full of mystical speculations and interpretations of the prayers and of
liturgical ceremonies. It has, however, nothing in common with the
contents of our MS. Not a single charm or incantation is found
among those speculations. A book of charms with such a title
must have existed, however, for not only is it quoted here, but
.^ si
Dkc. 12] sociKiv OF r.iin.icAL AKCii.r:oi,o(;v. [1900.
abstracts from tliat very book are given in many a MS. in ray
possession, all similar in character to this MS. {cf. my codcl., Nos.
186, 265, etc.). Another work mentioned^is the " Midrash of Simon
the Saddiq" (fol. 4a); "Another old book" (fol. 19/'); "Other
books "'(fol. 15/'); "Speakers of truth" (fol. 20a) \ "Other Qab-
balists" : and so on. In one instance, when copying a text incom-
plete at the beginning, the copyist remarks : " I have found it only
from here onward," showing the care with which he copied his texts.
One of the recipes has the note appended " tried in h^i'^ClU? (Sophia),"
(fol. 5o<?). I am doubtful, however, as to the reading of the name.
It must be a place somewhere in Asia Minor or Spain, and cannot
be identical with "Sofia " of Bulgaria.
It is remarkable that we find the greater number of these very
namts of authors, and especially the less well-known, and the anony-
mous works such as the " Midrash of R. Simon the Saddiq, very often
quoted in the commentary to the Book Yesira of Moses Bottarillo,
He wrote that commentary in Spain in the year 1409. The writings
and authors mentioned by Bottarillo {vide the whole list in
Steinschneider, Cat. Bodl. sv.,col. 1 781-1784) have been declared by
Zunz and others to have been invented by him only and solel)-
because they did not find them mentioned elsewhere. Our
MS. corroborates now the veracity of the quotations of Bottarillo ;
but whilst the latter limits his references to mystical speculations and
qabbalistic interpretations which he gives in their names, the present
MS. contains in their names charms, incantations and other mystical
portions of practical Qabbala. I do not discuss the question whether
those writings are genuine, or whether they have been wrongly
attributed to these men, but we can no longer doubt the fact that
these — genuine or pseudo-epigraphical — writings existed latest,
in the XlVth century in Spain, if not before that date.
Among the "Tossafists" to the Pentateuch of the Xlllth
and XlVth century printed in " Hadar Zeqenim," ed. Livorno.
1840, we find also some of these very names. Considering now
that many of these men are not by any means known as such
brilliant scholars, that works not written by them should have been
ascribed to them with the intention of enhancing their value, nay,
some being only known by these ciuotations of Bottarillo, I see no
reason to doubt their genuineness.
'I'liis MS. is written by at least two or three almost contemporary
hands. The ink is mostly the same, only the character of the writing
332
Dec. 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
differs considerably between what I would call the first old hand,
especially noticeable in fols. 18-26, and the second. The actual com-
pilation begins with fol. 5, and has as title " Segulloth." The
numbering of the charms begins from here. On the preceding
pages are Arabic (fols. 1-3) and later Hebrew recipes (fol. 4^). The
numbering refers only to the remedies or charms. As the text is
written in places very closel)-, the man who added the numbers has
in consequence often missed one or two in the middle of the text.
The true number would be nearer 400 charms. All the speculative
portions unsuited for practical purposes are not included in the
counting. The MS. being a compilation from different sources, it
not seldom happens that the same charm is found twice and even'
three times. The copyist merely transcribed whatever he found
without much critical discrimination. This fact strengthens further
the belief in the truthfulness of the copyist.
Among these charms, recipes, incantations and mystical prayers,
we find now in that very part of the MS. which is written by
the old hand, a text of an astrological character ascribed to the
Chaldeans. This text is very striking from moic than one point
of view. In itself, it is a complete compeiidiam ot the astrological
character of the Powers that rule in the course of the week. Each
day is described, and its ruler or rulers. The image of that regent
is delineated ; the mode of drawing him is indicated, and instruc-
tions are given how to make use magically of the image thus drawn?
and of the formulas which accompany these magic 0])erat)ons. We
are told to what profit this knowledge can be tinned,, the good and
evil that can be performed by means of these divine images; we
even learn the nature of the mysterious sigils or seals of these
regents.
The revelation of these mysteries is ascribed in the first place to
"Raziel," the angel, and then to the "primitive Enoch." Enoch
as revealer of heavenly mysteries, and as the scribe who writes a
book on the heavenly economy and hierarchy, is known from the old
apocryphal and psuedo-epigraphical literature. The Book of Enoch,
in its double or triple form : Greek, Slavonic, and Hebrew fragments,
is too well known that I should dilate here at any length on it. I
refer specially to chapter xliii, ed. Charles, and still more to the
Hebrew fragments of the astrological book of Enoch (v. Jellinek,
Bethhamidrasch V, p. 173 ff.). Of greater value is the fact that
Enoch is beholding and describing the mysteries of the heavens in
333
Dec. 12] SOCIETY OF BIIiLICAI. ARCH/E0L0(;Y. [1900.
the Zohar, where his book is quoted, and in one i>assage he is also
brought into intimate connection with the angel Raziel (I. fol. S5^-
cf. fol. 37^.). To him and through him the astronomical mysteries
of the world are said there to have been communicated to Adam,
Noah, Abraham, etc. It is the same tradition as that of our text, but
with this noteworthy difference, that the knowledge is not communi-
cated here to Abraham, but to the Chaldeans, who had speculated
on the heavenly bodies, on their movements, and on the rulers who
guide them. The essentially Jewish feature in the other tradition
is clearly missing here. Much more important is, that in this piece
alone out of the hundreds gathered in this compilation, the name
of God is never mentioned, and that not one single citation is
made of a Biblical text, nor is a single verse of the Bible alluded to.
As a rule the basis or the efficacious portion of a charm consists
either in the permutation of the letters of such biblical verses, or in
their unchanged application. Here not a single trace is to be found-
The text is described as "the wisdom of the Chaldeans."
References to Chaldean astronomy are extremely rare in Hebrew
writings. We find them referred to, however, in what is considered
to be the oldest astronomical book ; I allude to the so-called Barayta
of R. Samuel. The date of its composition has not yet been
definitely established. Internal indications would place the final
redaction in the eighth century. It is probably older, at least in
some of its astrological portions.
Chapter IX of the Barayta is devoted to the interpretation of the
astrological importance of the seven planets. Each one is minutely
described in its ruling over human or other natural occurrences.
To begin with Sabbetai, "Saturn," which is mentioned first, "he
rules over poverty, misery, illness, sickness and destruction ; over
internal ailments, and over sin." In this fragmentary text, which
belongs to the same category as our MS., no allusion is found either
to the personal appearance of the planets viewed as heavenly bodies,
nor are the ruling Powers or angels mentioned by name who move
and guide the planets, and are the direct cause of the influence
which they are said to exercise over human destiny. The text is
evidently mutilated, as shown in my study on the version discovered
and published by me in the " Chronicles of Jerahmeel." In this
work we find a corporeal description of the planets, together with
that of the influence which they exercise. The list begins {ibid.^ chap,
iv, parag. 5, p. 12 ff) also with Saturn. " He is appointed over the
334
Dec. 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
poor and needy, over women, over faintness and sickness, diseases
of the body, and death. His appearance is like that of an old man
with a sickle in his hand."' We have thus here the description of
the physical aspect of the planet.
The knowledge of these planets and their influence is much
older in Hebrew literature. In the introduction (Jerahmeel, p. Ixi)
I referred to the book Yesira (chap, iv, .^ 5 ff.), where the creation
of the seven planets is explained in harmony with the fundamental
theory of the " Book of Creation," viz., with the creation through the
" Logos " — the spoken word, and how this operation was carried
out in detail by the effects produced by each of the separate letters
of the Alphabet. In the commentary to this book by Sabbatai
Donolo, who lived in the year 913, in Italy, a detailed list of the
manifold influences which are exercised by these seven planets is
given. The order of the planets begins also with SaMnifai in the
Book Yesira. It is said to have been created on the first day
of the week. The author nmst have commenced his week with
the Sabbath, and his order of the creation appears to be directly
contradicting the biblical order of creation. The Barayta of Samuel
and Jerahmeel agree in this essential element with the Book Yesira.
Either one is dependent on the other or both have borrowed from
an older source. This latter hypothesis seems to be the more
correct one. The author of the commentary to the same chapter of
the Book Yesira, which goes under the name of Abraham ben David,
knows the same tradition of the astrological influence of the
seven planets, and he gives the fullest description, tallying in the
main with that of the Barayta, Jerahmeel and Donnolo. But in
none of these occur the ruling angels.
In the commentary of Jehuda ben Barzillai of Barcelona, who
lived at the beginning of the Xllth century (ed. Halberstamm, p. 247),
in connection with the selfsame chapter of the Book Yesira, occurs
then a list of angels who rule over the seven planets. This list is
absolutely identical with that of the rulers of the planets according
the Chaldean wisdom of our r^IS. We read there : — " These
are the planets. Sun, Venus, Mercury, Moon, Saturn, Jupiter,
and Mars, these are the seven rulers, the foundation of the
world, corresponding to the seven hours (here follow a few words
which are unintelligible, probably the names of hours). Over
them are appointed seven rulers, seven angels, to whit, Raphael
the angel of the Sun, 'Anael the angel of Venus, Michael the
335
Drc. I2l SOCIF.TV OK lUHLICAL ARCII.KOLOCV. [1900.
angel of Mercury, (labriel of the Moon, Qaphsiel of Saturn,
Sadqiel of Jupiter, and Samacl of Mars." With the difference of one
name only the same list occurs in the Book Raziel (ed. Amsterdam,
fol. ] 7^?)- Here it is connected with the description of the astro-
logical influence which each of these planets has on human destiny.
The latter portion is di recti)- copied from the Barayta of Samuel,
following the original almost word for word. There can now be little
doubt that the first portion containing the names of the angels, must
have belonged originally also to the Barayta, but had been omitted in
the mutilated text, preserved in one single MS., which has also since
disappeared. The very same list of the seven tutelary angels occurs
in our MS. for a second time, fol. lOi^, where their seals are given.
Nowhere do we find any parallels to the images of these rulers,
to their serving angels, or to the use to which they are put in practical
magical purposes. The pentacles in the so-called " Key of Solomon "
resemble these drawings only remotely. In some ancient calendars
pictures of the seven planets are found, but they are reminiscences
of Greek and Roman mythology. Mercury is drawn with the
Caductus, Saturn as an old man with a sickle, and so forth. More
like those of our text are the drawings and pictures in the
" Hoellenzwang" of Faust, ed. Schaible.
We must ascend to a much older tradition in order to trace
the possible origin of this text. It pretends to be the exposi-
tion of the wisdom of the Chaldeans, and save for the
Hebrew names of the angels, there is nothing specific
Jewish in this text. The old Gnosis claimed Chaldean origin
for its magical part. The Ophites especially utilised the old
Chaldean astronomical and astrological notions for taumatur-
gical purposes. They drew the images of the Archons who ruled
the seven planets, (v. ^V. Anz, Zur Frage nach Ursprung des
Gnostizismus, Lpzig., 1897, p. 9 ff., and A. Dieterich, Abraxas,
p. 44 ff.) Amulets with such images, and gems with similar incisions
are the visible result of that symbolism, adopted and adapted
according to their views by other Gnostic systems, such as that of
Valentin, Basilides with his Hebdomas, and even Bardesanes, whose
treatise " On the influence of the planets on the temperaments of
nations " has been discovered and published by Cureton. Not
without significance is the total omission of any allusion to the signs
of the Zodiac, with which the planets have been invariably associated
in all other astrological calculations.
336
Dec. 12] rROCF.KDINGS. [1900.
In this text none of the extravagant interpretations or mystical
applications of the seven planets are mentioned in connection
with human salvation or with the soul before and after death, in fact
none of the eschatological teachings of the Gnostic schools. It
is all cjuite simple ; prominence is given to the magical powers
alone inherent in the character of the angels drawn on tablets or
on parchment, and in the invocations accompan}ing the operation.
In how far this is due to (Jhaldean teaching or tradition pure and
simple I am not in a position to state. A certain change from
those C'haldean originals must at any rate have taken place. New
names of angels have been substituted, all ])urely Hebrew, for the
strange gods if taken over in their jjrimitive form. But this change is
quite natural, and in harmony with the tendencies of that very age,
and but for it, the text itself might never have existed or would
never have been preserved at all. The names of the angels are verj-
transparent and offer few difficulties to the philologist. They have
not yet assumed that curious and weird appearance as found in the
Sword of Moses, in the Hebrew Hechaloth, in the Book Raziel, and
in later magical writings and Amulets. They resemble the ancient
forms and names known in Hebrew liturgy and liturgical poetry. A
list of the.-e has been compiled by Zunz {Syiiai^oga/e Pocsie des
Miffela/ters, p. 476-479). They occur also in most of the older
cjabbalistic collections {cf. the list of angels prepared by Mr. M.
Schwab, I'ocabulaire dc P Angclologie, Paris, 1897), differing by their
simiilicity from the complex and abstruse forms met with in the
other works excerpted by Mr. Schwab.
It is curious to note, and a proof for the syncretistic origin of
this text, that in one case the angel is described in the form of a
woman. The influence of the notion that the regent of the sixth
da) is Venus, has been so strong; as to cause the author to accept
female angels in the heavenly hierarchy. It is a very strong proof
for the non-Jewish origin of this text, as the conception of a female
angel is contrary to Jewish notions.
One extremely interesting point in connection with the archaic
character of this text is the clue it gives to a metaphorical
expression often used in qabbalistic writings, but seldom clearly
expressed. It is often stated that God. or the name of God, or of
any of the chief powers is included in, and identical with, that of his
serving or ministering angels. Save for the few exceptions where
the one is bodily intercalated into the other, this expression has
337
De'-. i:;] SOCIETV OF BIBLICAL AKCIM:0L0GY. I 1900.
remained anything but clear. In our text the very same expression
occurs. To each one of the chief angels of the day a number of
angels is added as serving. If we now examine these names we
shall find that the first letters of the serving angels are the very
letters of the name of the chief ruler. They form an anagram of
his name, and it is truly said that his name was included in theirs
and their names in his.
The ruling powers of the day are angels, they are strictly se])arated
from the planets, and not identified with them at all. The planets are
mentioned only to indicate the propitious hour for ilie writing of the
amulets.
The reference to Enoch, identified from ancient times with
Hermes, would make this treatise belong to the interminable list of
" Hermetic " writings. I consider it to be a reflex of the old
Chaldeo-gnostic school which flourished so long in Palestine, and to
belong in its primitive form to the third century. The author of
the "Book of Creation," as shown in my study on the " Shiur
Komah," and the author of the " Barayta " in its fuller recension,
must have drawn their astrological information from a similar source
of which our text formed a part. In later times the magical portions
may have been allowed to drop out, as not quite in harmony with
the teaching of Judaism. They have been relegated to the domain
of mysticism, which has preserved and ])rotected many a doubtful
product of ancient times.
The language of the text is throughout pure Hebrew. In
a few instances I think I can detect Arabic influence such as
'j"i2''D for *|12D • '\\\^ Scripfio plena : the form 71^1 2?p — ^ new
masculine formation altogether — the use of Q21I? and other
peculiarities go to j)rove the antiquity of the language. I do not
pretend, however, to have said the last word on this " Chaldean
Wisdom."
Traiislatioit.
Tm, Wisdom of jhe Chaldkans.
This is the book used by the Chaldeans (which they composed)
through their meditations and speculations in divine wisdom, and
through the overflow of the spirit of prophecy upon them, by their
strong adherence to their wisdom and to their mediations in the
divine wisdom and their sjieculations concerning the spheres (planets)
338
Dec. 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
and the spirits that rule those spheres and move them. For in
each sphere there is an angel that moves it. They investi-
gated the nature of those angels and they found that they all
partake of one nature, but that each one of them changes its
nature in accordance with the changes in the appearance of the
beings of the world. They further investigated whether each
angel was fulfilling his message in person, and they found that the
angels had servants who fulfilled those messages (tasks). And as
the wisdom of man is greater than that of any other living being,
the) further investigated every subject, and they discovered the ways
in which they could be used (or : discovered the things over which
the angels were appointed). And from the time they used them, they
(the Chaldeans) rejoiced mightily and they continued to search and to
enquire, and they performed many deeds, and they wrote those
books, and they made many books, but their successors did not
understand how to study them until " Raziel " came and revealed
the mysteries, and after him came the primitive Henoch. From
that time on this science spread all over the world ; some under-
stood it, others did not understand it. I pored over many books,
and this is what I have gleaned concerning the seven angels of the
week, and concerning the hours and their figures, and their position,
and their use, and the manner in which one could make them
serve one's purposes, and wherefore they are called by such names.
These names are evolved out of the names of the rulers, as thou
shalt see anon.*
II. The names are written over the heads of each of the angels
for the different days. On the first day rules Raphael. His fi,gure
is like that of a man sitting on a throne with hands and feet out-
stretched. On his right hand serves Rahabiel, on his left Phaniel,
over his head Ariel, under his feet Lahabiel. Their use (work) is to
cure all manner of disease, to preserve man from all wicked Shiddim
and from all evil spirits which cause illness to man. If thou wishest
to heal a man from enchantment, or from an evil spirit, or from folly
(" madness "), or from any of the things mentioned, then draw the
picture of a man on virgin parchment with both hands outstretched,
under the right hand draw the image of a little man, and write on his
shoulder Ariel ; at his feet draw the image of another man, but draw
it with red ink, for this is an angel appointed over fire, and write on
* This passage corrupt in the original.
339
Dec. 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGV. [1900.
his shoulder (or, variant, on his forehead) Lahabiel, and under them
the following conjuration : I conjure thee, Raphael, thou and thy
servants who are called by thy name, and whose name is included in
their names, viz., Rahabiel, Phaniel, Ariel, Lahabiel, in the name of
Azbuga, that thou healest so and so from all illness and all hurt and
all evil spirit. Amen, Amen, Amen, Sela, Sela, Sela. If thou
wishest to protect thyself from all evil, from every hurt and from
wild beasts, make a drawing of all these angels on virgin parchment
and carry it by thee, and no evil will happen to thee. Similarly, if
thou wishest to protect a young babe from an evil spirit and from
the host of Mahalath, write these angels on a tablet of gold in
Assyrian writing (Ashuri) and carry it by thee, and thou needs not
fear any evil either from (for) a big man or a small child. It is of
very great help. On the back of the tablet write the word Mana, for
this is his sign (Sigil). It must be written during the hour of the
Sun, in daytime and not at night. This is proven and sure.
III. On the second day rules Gabriel. This angel is like a man
with horns. On each horn there is an angel in the likeness of a
man. He also has ministering angels, as has been described above
for the angel Raphael. His position is like unto a man with out-
stretched hands. On his right hand serves Ga'ariel, on his left
Kerubiel (var., Berukiel), on the right horn Rahabibiel, on the left
horn Ahariel, and at his foot serves Lahabiel. He helps to
strengthen those that are imprisoned, further to conquer whatever it
be, that thou wishest to conquer, l)e it in war or strife or in any other
cause. Thou must then draw on a silver tablet the image of this
angel as described. He has two horns, and his hands must be
stretched out. Under his right arm draw the image of a little man
and write on his shoulder Ga'ariel, under his left arm draw the
figure of a little man, and write on his shoulder Kerubiel, on the
liorn (of the right side?)* loel (?) Rahabibiel, and on the left horn
draw the figure of a little man attached to the horn. W^rite on the
forehead or on the shoulder loel. On the back of it draw the image
of a little man and write on his forehead Ahabiel, at his feet draw
the figure of a little man, this is the angel of fire, and write on his
shoulder Lahabiel. Carry this by thee and no one will be able to
hurt tliee from small to great, and thou wilt win in every strife and
* In ihe original llierc is some confusion, loci being inenlioncd Lwice, and
instead of "right side" we fmd the word "shoulder."'
340
Dec. 12] P'ROCKEDINGS. [kjoo.
battle. If thou placest this tablet among thy wares thou wilt soon
sell them, and if thou writest these names of angels on parchment and
earnest them by thee, they will be very good (useful) to thee. They
must be written with green (Crocus) ink. On the back of the tal^Iet
thou must write * for this is his sign (Sigil) and it must be
written in the sight of the Moon.
IV. On the third day rules Samael. He is in the likeness of a
man with outstretched hands. He has angels that serve him, as the
aforesaid two angels, but he has no horns, and their position is as
follows : on his right hand serves Sahariel, on his left Mahariel,
behind him Ahzaniel, and at his feet Lahabiel. Their work is to
destroy, to annihilate, to kill and to perform all manner of evil
If thou wishest to be able to cut with a knife or sword better than
any other man, make thee an apple of hard iron and write on it :
" In the name of Samael and his servants," and make out of it a
knife or a sword, and then thou wilt be able to cut whatever thou
wishest and much easier than any other man. If thou wishest to
win in any battle into which thou art entering, take a tablet of silver
or of copper or iron and draw on it the figure of ,t under
his right arm draw the figure of a little man and write on his fore-
head Sahariel, under his left arm draw the figure of a little man and
write on his forehead Mahariel, behind him draw the figure of a
little man and write on his forehead Ahzaniel, and under his feet
draw the figure of a little man and write on his forehead Lahabiel.
And make the drawing of a sword (placed) in the hand of the figure
called Samael, and on that sword write the names of the following
angels : Hatkiel, Imiel, Lahabiel and Hashmeriel, and in the other
hand a human head which he is intending to cut off (or, in the act
of cutting off). On the back of the plate write " Dal Dam," for this
is his Sigil. And it must be written in the hour (time) of Maadim
(Mars). If thou wishest to destroy a house, a town, a road or a
village, write " Samael and his servants," with menstrual blood on
the day of Mars on the garment of a hanged man (?), place it in the
mouth of a frog and bury it in the room in which no man will dwell,
and it will finally be destroyed. Thou must however stop the mouth of
the frog with a little wax and write on the wax, " Dal Dam," and
thus shalt thou act in every place wherever thou wishest. If thou
* The Sigil is omitted in the MS.
t Omitted in the original, evidently Samael.
Dec. i2l SOCIETV OF IJIBLICAL ARCH.KOLOGV. [1900.
wishest to kill a man, write, " Samael and his servants'" on the
garment of that person with the blood of a snake and place it in the
mouth of a puppy and close the mouth of that dog with red wax, on
which thou hast written " Dal Dam," and bury it at the parting (or
crossing) of ways. That man is sure to die within sixty days, unless
he go away from that place before the end that time.
V. On the fourth da)- rules Michael. He is like unto a man
holding a horn in his hand and his hands are stretched out. On his
right hand serves Ma'asael, on his left serves lahtemiel ; on that
horn stands an angel called Kokabiel, behind him serves A'albiel,
and at his feet Lahabiel. The benefit conferred (obtained) by
these angels is to grant knowledge and wisdom to man. If thou
wishest to be served by these angels, take a piece of pure (good)
silver or lead and draw on it the image of a man with outstretched
hands. Draw under his right arm the image of a little man, and
write on his shoulder lahtemiel, over his head draw the figure of a
horn, and on that horn the image of a man holding that horn, and
write on his forehead or shoulder Kokabiel, and under his feet draw
the image of a little man, with red ink, for he is the angel of fire,
and write on his forehead, Lahabiel ; and this plate is very useful for
gaining knowledge and wisdom and understanding. If a woman
has difficulties in childbirth, place this tablet on her chest and she
will soon be delivered of the child. If a man is ill, place this tablet
on him whilst he is asleep. If he sleeps on quietly and does not
wake, it is a sign for life, but if he wakes up quickly, know that it is
a sign of death. If thou wishest to know whether a man is
enchanted (charmed) or not, wTite the name of Michael and his
servants on an egg with saffron (yellow), and place it under the bed
on which he sleeps. If on the morning thou breakest it it is boiled *and
there is a drop of blood in it, then it is a sure sign that he is under
a spell. If thou wishest to make a child learn more than any other,
then wash this tablet on every first night (of the month or week ?)
with white wine, then take the tablet in the right hand and turning
towards sunrise utter the following conjuration: " I conjure thee,
Michael, thou and thy servants who are called by thy name and
whose name is included in theirs, in the name Tamaqashia, that thou
givest me a heart to know all that I have been taught, and that I
*■ Tlic original is lieie sonicuhal doubtful. It may mean : boil it, break
it, and find, etc.
Dec. i2j l'KOCEi:i)I\(JS. [1900.
continue to learn, to hear and to understand all that I shall be
taught in future. Oi)en my heart to study, and my eyes to see, and
my hands to write, and my ears to listen." He must then drink of tne
wine and eat warm (fresh) bread with honey, and he will become wiser
than any other man. He must write on the back of the tablet this
name Abg, which must be done in the hour (time) of Kokab
(Mercury).
VI. On the fifth day rules Sadqicl. This angel is in the likeness
of a man with two horns, on one of these horns there is the likeness
of a man, and he also has serving angels as the aforementioned
angels. Their position is as follows. The angel who is in the
likeness of man has the hands outstretched ; on the right hand
serves Suriel, on the left Uahabiel. He has two horns, and serves
la'asiel* ; behind him serves (Apar) Aparsiel, and at his feet
Lahabiel. These angels grant grace and favour to all those who
carry them. If thou wishest to use them, make a tablet of silver or
lead, and draw on it the image of a little man, and write on his
shoulder Suriel ; draw then under his left hand the image of a little
man, and write on his shoulder Dahabiel ; then make on his head
two horns, on the right horn draw the image of a little man holding
fast to it, and write on his shoulder Qedoshiel, similarly do on the
left horn, and write on his forehead la'asiel. Behind him draw the
image of a little man, and write on his forehead Aparsiel, and under
his feet a little man, and write on his forehead Lahabiel, written
with red ink. The use of this drawing will be that whoever carries
it about him will find favour and grace in the eyes of man and prince,
and he will obtain all that he wishes. If he happens to fall in with
a host of prisoners (or who is taken a prisoner),! he will not be bound
(made a slave), and everyone will render homage to him. On
the back of the plate write ///, for this is his Sigil. If thou placest
this tablet in a place where there are few persons, they quickly will
multiply and become numerous, for they -will come from every part
to live there. If thou wishest to test (?) it, put it among bees and
they will multiply and become numerous. Whoever carries it about
him, no man will be able to prevail against him. It must be written
at the hour of Sedeq (Jupiter). If thou placest the tablet on the
""" "On one serves Qedoshiel," as mentioned below, is omitted here in the
original part ; the omitted words seem to have been added later on, on the margin,
but they are now almost illegible.
t Not ijuite clear in the original.
343 2 E
Dec. J2] society OF BIBLICAL ARCII.LOLOGY. [1900.
seat of the ruler (Hegenion) or carricst it about thee e\ery da)-, thou
wilt prosper in greatness, and if thou placest it on the seat of a
workman, he will get very much work.
VII. On the sixth da)- rules 'Anael. He is appointed on all
manner of love. This ruler is in the likeness of a woman. She has
in one hand a mirror in which she beholds herself, and in the other
a comb with which sht is combing her head. She, like unto other
angels, has serving angels ; she also holds her hands outstretched.
On her right arm serves an angel whose name is 'Arbiel, on the
left one called Niniel, over her head one whose name is Lahabiel,
and at her feet one called Ahabiel. If thou wishest to use them,
make a tablet of fine silver, draw upon it the likeness of a woman in
the name of the woman thou likest, then write on her shoulder her
name and the name of her mother, and the name of the one who
loves (desires) her, and that of his mother, and draw her
hands outstretched. Draw then under her right arm the figure of a
nice young man, and write on his shoulder 'Arl)iel, under her left
arm draw the image of another young man and write on his forehead
Niniel, behind her draw the image of a man with red ink and write
on his shoulder Lahabiel. The use of this picture of the woman 011
the tablet is that it gains for thee the love of that man or woman
whom thou desirest, with a strong and unbreakable love. Thou hast
only to touch this tablet and they will run after thee, especially that
woman whose name thou hast written on the tablet. And thou
must utter the following conjuration : — " I conjure thee, 'Anael, thou
and thy servants who are called by thy name, and whose name is
included in theirs, viz : — 'Arbiel, Niniel, Ahabiel and Lahabiel, in
the name of Uriel, with the countenance flaming all round, inflame
so-and-so with my love and with my strong affection, and may her
(Mazal) destiny, be united with mine, in the same manner as Adam
was united to Eve. I\Ia)- she not have an)- chance to eat or to
drink, or to sleep, or to stand, or to sit, before she is in love with
me .... (?)* and until she comes to me and fulfils all my wishes
and desires." I'hen warm the tablet on the fire and thou wilt see
marvellous things. If the person in question is a man, then say :
" That he may fulfil my wish," viz., this or that thing. On the back
of the tablet write Sit, for this is his Sigil, and write it in the hour of
Nogah (Venus). It is also somewhat in the figure of Sedcqt (or :
■* Here is an uniiitL-Uigiblc word in the original,
t Doubtful in the original.
344
Dec. 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
write it also sometimes in the hour of vSedeq). And they saj- that if the
image is drawn with the " thunderstone " and placed on a closed
door, the door is sure to open by itself.
VII. On the seventh day rules Qaphsiel. This angel is of bad
augur)-, for he is appointed only over evil. He is in the likeness of
a man in mourning, and has two horns, and angel servants as the
other angels aforementioned. On his right hand serves Qubiel, on
his left Phashiel, on the right horn Safriel, on the left horn lahsiel,
behind him stands Ahiel, and at his feet Lahabiel. If thou wishest
to make use of them to lower a man from his high position, make a
tablet of tin and draw on it the likeness of an old man with out-
stretched hands ; under his right hand draw the image of a little
man, and write on his forehead Qubiel ; on the left, the image of a
man crying, and write on his shoulder Phashiel ; on the right horn,
the image of a man flying on two wings, and write on his shoulder,
or between his sides, or on his forehead, Safriel ; and on the left
horn draw another man with wings outstretched flying, and the wings
of the one must be touching the wings of the other, and write on his
forehead, or on his shoulder, or on his sides, lahsiel, and behind him
draw the figure of a man with open wings, flying, with his hands on
his forehead, and write on his forehead Ahsiel, and at his feet draw
with red ink the figure of a man, and write on his shoulder Lahabiel.
The use of this tablet is that if thou placest it on the seat of a
mighty man, or a king, or a priest, he will fall from his position, and
if thou pattest it in a place where many people are assembled, they
will scatter and go away from that spot. If thou placest it in a spot
where they are building a town, or a tower, it will be destroyed. If
thou placest it in hives, the bees will flee from there. Write the
name Qaphsiel, and those of his angels, on pure parchment, and
place it in a reed cane with seven knots, and utter the following
conjuration whilst thou ridest upon that cane: "I conjure thee,
Qaphsiel, and thy host, in the name of the most holy (the three
times holy), guide me (carry me) to that and that place without hurt
or harm." They say that a man will ride in one day the distance of
an liundred days' travelling. Write and draw the images as described
above and the name of a man and of his mother, and place it in any-
thing thou likest (in whatever it may be), and tie it unto the wings of
a dove, or of a bird of the desert, and conjure : " I conjure thee,
Qaphsiel, and thy whole host, that thou drivest away so and so, that
he be wandering about, to and fro, in the same manner as the Lord
345 2 E 2
Dkc. 12| SOCIETV of HIHLICAL ARCH.1<:0I.0GV. [1900.
drove Cain away, to be wandering to and fro, so shall so and so be ;
he shall find no rest to the sole of his feet." He is then to let the bird
fly. That man will be wandering to and fro without rest and with-
out ceasing. If thou can'st not find a bird, take a pot (bowl) and
place into it all that thou would'st have bound round the wing of the
bird, stop the orifice (mouth) of the pot with pitcli, so that water
should not get into it,* and throw it into the river. As long as the
])ot is swimming on the river, so long will that man be wandering
about, until it breaks or water gets into it, or it sinks. It must be
written in the hour of Shabbetai (Saturn). On the back of the
tablet, or the parchment, write Aiii, for this is his Sigil.
* In the original somewliat corrupted.
346
Proc. Soc. Bill I. Arch., December, 1900.
n^ny^
• ^^' - V^.,, -^-1^ r-»^^ i'^^'^ ''^^iBj:- ^^
(•/i vv T'hyj, Tfi^J^ t/*i^i^ e*?-^ ;jt^i>3;»t^ r'^o^M) OT^JM
(^7/ /:77^^ O*-:*-* ©'-t^i^l,/* j?,'?i'»/i^.«j Ip^^i hf^> J'^^\
COD. OR. CASTER, NO. 177, FOL. 36a.
Dec. 12] . PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
nn^h]: nwxnan nn ni'2u**ni nin^Nn n?::2n2 Djryi anrnnn (roi. 36a.)
n''?;7:2 D^vi'i ninSsn n?:jrn2 d:v]:2 'j:i;r^2"i anr^Dna Qmpmn anS
nn^s n:i3n uh^ Dn:i3n ••d isv'^i sinn -is'7?on nonn ^y nprn . imx y^rL"
myi :Dmri3 nbiyn 'u'-^sona'^nnr:: x-s^ in:i3n nsbnn'o nnxi nns h'2^
cn^ w"' "2 isv?2i xinn mn''7u"n n'ov vovyn Nin dx "ix'?nn pjy 'py npn
'^^ "py npn n'-n -Syn "^dto n*7n: ansn nr^Dni" ^Zib^ . onin^'pL" iL"y' a''t;'Oi"D
nb)!: n-'X" inrs^" onn vj'?2nL"n nyci . □n'7L" □''L"irx"r! "ij^L'-m . |''3yi p:iy
nnnDH Dmx nn^i.Q'ai u^'cv- dh'^ iL"yi iL'-m npni n-'^Dn I'X/ ly
7x^~ S2i" ir DnsDH |n"iX2 ii?^'?^ -.yr x*? n^innxm . nmn ansD iL*'yi
(foi. r- 10 nr^rnn rivs: mran: nyL- nmsr^i . pDipn -|i;n vinxi . nnion T^b}^
n'2 nn □'m 2^202 Tir^y •':si . lyn^ x*? □n?2"i lyn^ dhd . nbiyn 'P22
CT^y^T 2r.V2Ti r\v'^"i -yi" '^221 viy^'^ '^^ '?22 D*2x'??2n to ^nr-ni"
nr . D'-".-! iniX2 nnx ^2 Nip; nr2b) . nni 'ctDnw^h i2ixn '?2r I'si . anbyim
b'j' 2'2X'?'2n .. nxnnL" •i?22 anyi." x-n *Dl"2 X" cinro xw d^dl'-dl" "jsro
. . xinn Drn ivs'prD ^:;' dl" Dinn Dn'L"xi2 dv ^2
ni2'r,2 riM , xd2 bi: nroin . l"x m?2n2 xini '?x2-i b'C'V2 a qv2 n.
Lr22"2 i^xr2L" "pn . '?x'2m t22'2* X 15^'^'^ L'-oc'ro irro^ bv^ . rbn pi
an'^yin Q''2wx'??2n I'px . '?x''2n'? vb:-) nnm . '?xnx Vl"x-i bv^ • 'px^
^32 c"'^n'2n niyi mnn ':;2r2'i □•'y-i ony '?2?2 Djycb^ . "''pin ^52 nxai/
IX mo"j"2 IX ny-i m-ir2 ix m22*2r2 po mx 1211" nxsi'? n\nn Dx . . qtx
VT- '2 y^x miv 0 '?"in2 !i"?p2 t-v . □n2T3n D'2-n?2 anx -iinc'r
. "pxnx ir22L"2 2in2i . pp y^x miv i^'-v ]'ryn t nnm . mores
-|X/'2 xiny '':zj2 . nnx nvv n^-i inx i:'\s miv i^''^ vb:-\ nnm
nxT 2in2 Dnro ^]2r2b^ . '?"x'2nV (^^s'12 bv x':) ir22L" bv 2in2i . l"x
DnL".Dn2 iDC'i i?3l"2 D'Xip^"! T^"?:^"?^ "p^i nnx "pxan 'y'wS^s . ny2L"nn
'?20i 'b^n ^20 bhb'? xsnnL" nTnrx Dl."2 . bii^rh ^xnx ^i03D '?X'2rn
.p"'Toi ri "121 '?2r2 -i?2L*'n':^ n^-in cxi '.' 'd'dd 'X'x'x nyi nn '?20i pno
. . xrn x'pi iDy i^xi'-ni . '?in2 fi*?p2 i20x^r2n i^x i^'-v . myi nvn S2Di
D''2x'7'2n I'px 2in2 . n'pnro n2r2i nyn miro pp ly: -nr:!"*? nvin nx pi
.'?n;'7i iViipS y-i -i2n '7272 XTn x*? y:r i:xL"ni . nniL-x n2''n2 2nT ni'?2
* Ke:id Du72 XV D'2u'L"
347
Dec. I2j SOCIETY OF BIl'.LICAL AKCH.KOLOGV. [1900.
Sin '2 sob . CL"n nr ni'^n nnsrD ain^'L" "nvi . . h'vv Nin H/H: nH'ini
•.• nDi:iDi pna . rh'b^ ah) uvi) . nr^n nrt'a ainr'? 71 ii . i:t:'D
pp ^3 ^yi . D'':"ip 1^ *c"i . L*"'X mon^ ix'pcn nri . 'psnDJ l"?dl"?:) 3 d V2 1 1 1-
(foi. 37--1) '?N2"i ix'rtDS cr^s . d-'I'^k u^wo'cd D3 . l'^x mrD-i3 nnxiN'ro nn?:^ ppi
. "pnyj L"Ou"o i2'D^ T' nnm . mL'-ns rT"i l*"s nimn iub'on nr . ^3 "im'Ci'i
ba^'c \-\? ^yi . ^Nn^3m L"DL*'?:) pn'' pp ^n . 'plonns t:'OL"o i'?njo*j' t nnni
. L"nn '^^^ HD nn'p . nr n^yini . ^x-anb 'ct^'CD i^n "pyi . ^xnnx L"?rL"ro
•.' ni-inL"-i3-i ^31 n2n?::i nt^n'/C 102 . im nr^x nvj^ nvinc' n?D ba nvi^i
mniD VT' vnn a-jip '':l" 1/ l-m ir^sL" 1^3 -|s'?Jon c)'\'C2 ^C2 C122 t'v
T"^* i^xd:;' n" nnm .^pxnyj iddl" hv nin^i pp ms mm t^j; irr:* nnm
PP ^yi . ^N'-T^n-i ^xv(:)D3L*'n pp H'l . "px-nns ijd^l" "py mn^i ]up din
DDfn "py IX nvon 'py mn:i . ppn Dy pm pp l"*x nijon^ i"'i ^x?:'j'
T-'V v^ji nnm . 'px^anx (Onvnn mnsi pp l-^x mms -i"v rinxn . bxv
XTn xSi y2v inxL*'m . Sx-'^n'? )^2'C' bv ninDi L"x ix^d xthl*' pp l-x mion
mino ^Da onn jnn dxi . . nanroai r\JDrhj22 "im 'ps'p n^'j'm hn;oi ppD
on i^Dy c) inxL""'m ?iS"'3 D''2x'?cn nirx" nin^n dxi . . nmx ni^rrn mnr^n
xin o . . . Dnn "iinxyo ain^'? in-i-i ai^irn ciin^ vn^i . nx?^ d'^id
*.• n^n"? mivn nmx nin^^ invi i:t^'D
"i"? L*""! . m:;'i-iD vt'i mx mron^ xin ix'pon nr .bxroo ^no i cm iv.
. D^jnp 1; i^x "pnx n;yD'? 'nin^n nox'?nn ;''rL"n 'oxr 102 D^'-r^i"?::) cj-'x
ininxni , pxnmD i^xot;' 'pyi . '^x-'Ttd L"Ol"j: is'D'' n* bv ■ 12 cnTr::i,"i
mL"y'pi n^on^i T'»::*n'?i nnnn"? cn'^yim . Vx^an'? r'pn H*i . 'TiV^rnx
msn nL*'y . nnx "psn inr pon ix mnn iinnnL" nv"in dx , y-i 'r'D
mnn IX (!) p3^D2 nmx jnni . VL'-oL'-rDi baoo neb mn^i . prn bnziD x
'Ji'^o "p^a nvjn'L" n^;-in dxi . mx 'pdd inr nnoai . nvinL** no t?3 "|innm
nnm . . . mon dl- t^vi prn "pnao ix nnn;D ix ^02 dc np o:2r\'C' nr^n'ro
-i"v I'pxnc T' nnm ^xnno invo ^y 3in2i \i2p onx nion -i-^v 'l:•'?:^•' t*
2^n2) \\2p Dix nion t'-v rinxii . ^xnnD invon 3in2i pp m»n
n-ai . ^xnn"? in^'D by ain^i pp mx mon t-'v r'?^-! nnm . bx*:Tnx in\*r:a
Dm n"'Dx'?nn i'?x 2in3 ainn inixm . nin mrm -i-'-'V "pxdd xip^n nii^nn
nvn xinL" in3i onx -j-xn inxn n^ai .^xnoL'-n '?x*3n'? 'rx'O'x bx^rnn
inm^"? -jn^'i .lomn xin -3 "on '?n D:;'n nr 3in3 Don ninxi . mix iinn'p
'pxDD 3inD -123 IX Tin IX -i''y ix n^3 nnnn'? n^nn dxi . . Dnx?3 nyj-a
-n3pi ymsv "sn mix |nni . ^i^no n^n bv rn: nii cnn'a dv2 rL'-t^L-ci
ymavn •'S DinDnc invi mn^r ny n''3n imxn Dnx -in- xt'i n-an mix
DXI (foi. 37 b.). . n:;-)nc' Dipo '?3b nc'yn pi Dn !?n myL"3 3m3i niyL" t:yD3
]nm L*'n: onn Dnx mix nj33 vL"?3L'r3i bxcD 3in3 onx dvl** nv3nb nvin
-ii3pni'bn 'pn niyL"3 3in3i n?3nx niyL"3 nbn -d Dinni \uip 3'73 "23 mix
. . DipD imxc yD" x*? DX mi:- di- d-l'^-odiip Dnipi D-3-in nL'-i£3 mix
348
Dec 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
V.
nicns in^ ppa mix L'-'smon^ s*in is'7?::n nr .^n2'0 '^l-idS Dvn
n»iy ppn ^yi . 'pn^Th'' l-ccc 'psi^l" t- nnni , 'pxrrb L'-J^i^n i^^r:'--!^ nnm
. . hii'2r]b L*'Ot:'?o v'?n nnni . '^.vab'yN l-dl-'c v-inN?Di . '^x^azii^ irx"i x in^d
I'pxn L-Dnc'n^' nv-inL"3 . mx b^b ^\:'2^ nn nn'? D*::N^on I'rx nbin
. . nit:iL"3 VT l"\s nion v'py t^^*i 'pnno is* mo riD3 (O n::nn np D'3s'??^n
HK'j? ic*N-i bvi ^x-'nnn' ijdx* "py ninsi ;op ms niron irc'' T' nnnc i>''vi
'pN^nm^ irD2L"3 IX (!)in\*''D2 3in2i . ppn rnix L"\s r\v2i cl" i''^vi pp mm
L"x ix'^o NinL" "iSD Dnixa i"ivr^ ]op L'-'X ni?:Di i"^; v^n n*) nnni
. . nym n^'^ni nosn nnb ixd nmn Dt:n nr nbini . ^x^nn'? inv?::n ninsi
nm'' nxi . . n-in?3n n'pni nn'? "^r Dt2n mix 'nn nm'?3 ncx nrpn cxi
xin '•3 yn nbinn )*p> x*?! ainn |f^ dxi jL"^ xi-l*'3 vhv Don ^nn n'^in cnx
xin nx Dnxn nyn"? n^-nn nxi ..nio^ xin '2 yn mncn pp" cxi c^n^
nmx jni ixiayrn n^'-'a 'ry vl-ol-di ha^vD nirx"n i^x ninn x'? ex ^u'lrn
n''i^\* nmx xvr^n dx .npnn nmx iirL-m n'b it.*"' xinL" i^l" nocn nnn
np iDnx ^30 x lyj Diobh n^nn dxi . . fins?^ xinL" yn dt ns^o nn l*"*
njj rjs D''L*"'i OT'n Don np-i p::'x-i 'p^'? h^i \2b \''2 mix )*n-ii xinn Don
T'Ci'DL-o "pni nnx hayii yxo . nynr-nn nxrn ynL-i L-OL'-n mSy Dipn
mno^::' no '72 nynb 3^ *S jnnL" x'L*'poo DL-n Dnn -|r;:L"i y^'cn ai-ip:n
nixn^ ''jiyi mm'? "ib nnD'^i mix no'?'L" no b^ pnxL"i ynL"XL"i nito^xL*"!
DDnrT'i L"2n oy on Dn"? m'?i::x n\T'i p^n nnf^i . yit^i"/ '•^txi nmnb "T-i
urns'? -ln^;1 Inx D:;'n nr Don ninxo nms'L** -invi . . Dnx "^ro -inv
'.' 22'\2 nyc'i
pp '?yi . D''j-ip mL" 1*71 . L"^x monn ix'??Dn nn . ^x^nv '^"iyc'12 'n dv2 vi.
(!)n'?y'? D''3x^»n ixl-2 i^ioxl" V22 d>l"jx p-j-rx-o i'? l'"' dj . l-'x monn Dno
K'DB'D po'' n^ nnm . niL'-ns in*i tr'»x mms -|x'?r3n ':: . xin -|2 Dm'oyi
, '?X''vy'' l:'Dl"o . . jnp '?y D''3np "X" 1^71 '?x"'3rn L"OL"rD ^xx" t nnm . Sxnvir
nn*? D^2x'?on i'?x n^ymi . '?x"''nn'?"v^j-i nnm . '?x''':;-i2X(:)n2X L"rx*'c innxi
'?''n3?D IX ?iD3n DO mcy Dnn L-Dni-n'? nvin dx . . Dmx xn^n '?3^ iDni ]n
c'-'x mm ^xoL" n"' nnm . ^xmv ic3l*'3 nmn |op l"^x mm dl" n T"""i*i
nti'y po'' pp ^yi D''j-ip m-L" nL-y il"x-i '?yi . ^x'nm imL-nd-i. .^saonmni ;op
nmm '?xtt:;' ppa nL"y nnni . 'rx^-np loni-n nmn jipn mix lop l"\x miv
nnm , '?x"^nsx invon nmni jop L"^x mr^n ni-y vnnxiDi . '?x"'vy'' ini?oi
mivn nxT n'?ymi . . anx T'''ivo ^x-an^ invon nmn pp l"^x mon v'?^
DXI . nvn-'L** n?3 ^3 i'L-'i Tl" ^21 Dnx ^n "j-yn nDni |n xvc(^) n3XL*"'L*' ^na*
^"p"^ n^nn Don o -iinxi . Dnx ':2 innnn^i iniiDX'' x"? D'?iy'? o itl" nmj:'^ ^la''
Dxn 0 ■ inTi ns"' d*l"jx oyo 12 l'^l" Dipron Don nr inn dxi . . i:c''D nr ••3
ins'i Dnm nipxDn mix ^nn mix pnnn"? n^nn dxi . . d^' -in'? n^' bo
nyL*'n amn*? ini-i . nj^n Dnx dil** '?i3'' x'? mix x*j"L" 'oi . . nx?2 12^1
349
Dec. 12: SOCIETY 01' DiniJCAL ARCII.T.OLOGV. [igcxj.
i> rh)!:^ nbr cr 'p^z v^> ■):s"j" \s ;r^;n sddz Don ht jnn dxi . piv
. . nx^2
r\v:i2 xim . . nnnxr; bz bv r\:v2^2 I'p'^n nr . bxjy l*vx"?^ i ara \'ii-
n-'N-i np"iDJ3 piD*^ mnsn m-'m • n-'^a nxm nxir^ nnxn ht'Zi nL"x
nnn-! h't nL-nr: x'ni . nnix a'cr-'DL'-r^ D-r'-x nh 'C") . nnnxn mms x'-n q:
v:i" n"j\x-i '?yi . Vx'r: roL" n^^pxioi-n ^yi . 'px'aiy vx'i ix^r^ n'':c'n m"
21l: ^iDD'.: d'l: hl't n u'?^nL"n'r nv-ini"; . Sx'nnx irx"n*':;:-innm .'px^nn?
D'j'i n*2x Du'i n»x" n?^2L" *?!' zinzi .]•£" nnxL" ni-xn dl" 'py nL*'x miv
T2n: X -linn hlt p'2" t nnm . nir'ni: nn^ vn^'c nr-yi • "i^x dl*"i p.'inn
"inv'ra mnzi inx nnn mn:: n-t'xrrj'n m^ nnni . "px^niy V22'C' hv mnsi
n'pyim . '/xnnt" ro::u"3 mn:;": Dnxn t'ivo •l."\s niiv n'cv nnnxoi . t'X'r^
nvini" '':: '?2*/ hl-x ^n L"\s |n n/n: ninxi (■> mivn itzl* nr'xn nx:
lV£n x*:??::"! innx ^'iiM n D'on y:n ir^o ms* xSi nni nanx innx^L"
"ix^on yxb . ij^xm nyaL'-nn nxi y^nr'ni . Dcn n?x** nnnDL" nL^x^pDism
bx-anx bx^r: ^x^iny Dni" Dnn iCw'i irx'-a □^xi-i;n "i^nx'Di nnx "px^y
"•mm 'nanx nn':^ bhb z'n'pnL" . -inxi d';2 nn-'.^n bxmx m 'pxun'r
N^i biDx'? x'? ''X3-: r\b r}'r^' xt?! . mnS mx nznxD ^brro'? n^ro nipni
>Sx xzm (:)n2D 'nix anxriL* ly tj"^ xS Tvoy*? x'?i ]i:"b x*?! mriL"':"
D'x'?-: nxini L"xn bv Dcn c^i^ni ti-i. .;- 10 . •'n'?XL"i '':;2n x'pom bhb ':x
21712 Don nnx^oi .' 2 nan xini" ^vsn nL"yL" nitox l*''x xin dxi . □'•'pinj
DXL" ':}x pi':: nmvn x'n oyr:: niyi . n:i: nv'Ci mnn . i3D'd n: ":: o'D
.*. nn£* m:D nns '^y mix n^ri p-\2 pxa inniv ainr"
Nim yn dx '2 b'?2 n^ym in px "jx^ron nr bn'^i^p l*'?X"?2 't dv3 vm.
V22 inix d"?X'r3 D'C'x 1^ L"n D'jnp '2 i*? r'n '?nx x^nL" l""x nir^nr
^x'nv£ n^'rxjrj'n in^^pyi . '^x'nip l*'?X'C n'iro'n m^ "py -2 . onnxn D^nx'ptDn
nnm , 'px'nx l"?X"?2 vninxrn . 'px'on^ bxrx" pp '?yi . "?xn2V po*n pp byi
n*j*y in'pyQn nnx b'zrh nvnn dx Dnn L'-onL-n^ n^*nnL"2 . ^xnh^ v*?3n
mii n'j-y nor^^n in^ nnm . niu'ins in*' |PT r"X nniv ia n^-vi nnsiyj do
n:x" 'pyi n2in L"''X nmv n''/xrx'n '?yi.^x*nip invDi ainni |cp l'"x
isDX" '?y ninm 0*2:2 "nL'-n ^2iyo ('■) nnisro r"x nmv pn^n pp '?yi . "px-n^-s
f]Siyr2 nnx L"'X nniv nc-y !?xrx'n \-\p bv'i . ^xnsv invon ix rsns pa ix
I2\n2 'py IX i?2X" bn ix iniVoa ninni nnxn bv nnxn Dn'332 □'L'-ins vn^i
by 2in2i invo 'py rn'-i n'py?^'? V232 L'ns l"'x nmv nL"y mnxr^i . '?X''Dm
•\*222' b'; nin2i Dnx t'iv'2 nnx u"X nmv n-j'y vb:-\ nnm .bx^ox invJD
IX iT'^ IX 'pin; Dnx ix p'2;n XD22 mix |nn dx Don nr nbyim . bx'on'?
imx*2 12^1 iT^n- D'L":x in l'"L" Dip*2n mix inn dxi . m'pro'^ ^12" nroin
mix ;nn dxi . mn' ^nr^ ix Ty D'^ix" Dipon mix jnn dxi . Dipro
35°
Dec. .12] I'ROCEl<:i)INC;s. [1900.
yc'z ?,'?pn r3x'?»:ji "^x^VDp d'c mnrn dni . □>':: imz* cnm aipron
. n2pr[ bv 3:n nnsi . nyaL"nn nxr rx"m . cni-p t u l"''L" njpn inis fnni
.p:: dvl" "-Jipn' X/i s Diprob ••JO^'^inL" ppp OL-n y:^^ h^) '?x''V2p ysb
'?oxL" -pin bv T'nv?:' ims nin^n qni . \s nvn dv hn?^ i'?no iS* 'd '?dn
njr •'2333 "iniN -iiL"pm -im avj-n ims jnni von dl"! L"\s nri . n^yD*?
n:i v: n\Ti 222 nx nn^riu" i^^nro 'pdi 'px'^vsp ysr:: . ''i'*x"ni "-imr^ ?iiy tx
n't'i tit n^n' p n^i y: n\TL" i?02 n:i y: n^m pp nx QL"n nnnnr* i?03
N^*':;^ x*?! r?^" bz 1:) y: xinn i-w^n r\'i') ^iiyn ---ism . vba-i^isb niifDXVO*
irj'p^ n^^'X" n?3 na |m mnp np. nyi- nmxn ^iiy xvron x*:) axi . nnijtD
. nn^n nmx i'''7L"m d-o xSn (') nr nsrn n-npn "2 anni (w. ^^ou.) r^iyn •'2332
id:2'L*' ny ix -ini'TiL" ny i:) y: hm* Li"2n ':2 ?y n^'pin mipnL" pr "p^i
IX D'jn ninx*:: nin^i \-i2-_" ny'j'z nmr'r invi .ynunL" ny ix dv3 nn
. . "ry . ir^-D nr *2 ':x ^it'pn
i5i
Dec. 12] SOCIETY OF IMBLICAl. ARCH.IiOLOGY. [1900.
LE LEVER HELIAQUE DE SOTHIS LE 16 PHAR^fOUTI.
1'AR J. I.IKIU.EIX.
L'annee passee le musee egyptien de Berlin a recu une grande
quantite de fragments de papyrus qui ont ete trouves a Illahoun et
apportes de I'Egypte. Passant par Berlin et y visitant le musee au
mois de septeml^re de la meme annee, je les ai vus et admires.
M. Borchardt a bien voulu attirer mon attention sur un fragment
d'un interet tout particulier. l^itre autres on y lit cette importante
l^hrase :
<=^ Li^^J^ 1 I I !<=>© Ill
" Le lever heliaque de Sethis a eu lieu le seizieme jour du mois
de Pharmouti."
Si nous faisons Ic calcul, nous trouvons Ian 1882 a. J.-C. Car
du 16 Pharmouti au i Thot il y a 140 jours ct 140 x 4 = 560
ans + 1^22 = 1882 a. J.-C.
Quel est le roi ijui regnait alors ? Notre fragment ne le nomme
pas. Mais un autre fragment semble etre date de Tan 7 du regne
d'Ousertesen III et, selon ]\L Piorchardt, qui suppose que les deux
fragments aj^partiennent au meme papyrus, Ousertesen III serait le
roi cherche et notre lever de Sothis aurait lieu sous son regne. II
n'eprouve aucun doute ; il afifirme que nous avons dans notre te.xte
une preuve decisive et indis])utable de ce (jue Ousertesen III regnait
environ I'an 1882 a. J.-C. Aussi les journaux Berlinois en parlaient-
ils comme une decouverte (]ui n'admettait aucune discussion.
Mais d'ahord le resultat est simplement impossible. (Jar si
Ousertesen III regnait Fan 1882 a. J.-C, toute chronologic
egyptienne serait impossible. Selon ma chronologic Ousertesen III
regnait jusquVi Pan 21 28 a. J.-C, et I'on trouvait deja que c'etait
rabatrre trop son regne ; mais le faire descendre jusqu'a Pan 1882 a,
J. -(J. c'est nullement admissible, si toute fois on ne veut pas
352
Dec. 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
renoncer a trouver aucun sens raisonnable dans les inscriptions
egyptiennes. Je citerai seulement Tinscription bien connue
d'Elephantine, datee sous le regne de Thotmes III, laquelle nous
indi(|ue un lever heliaque de Sothis le 28 Epiphi, ce qui nous donne
I'an 1454 a. J.-C. pour le regne de Thotmes III.'^ l>ntre
Ousertsen III en 1SS2 a. J.-C. et Thotmes III en 1454 a. J.-C. il
y aurait seulement un espace de temps de 428 ans. Je detie qui
que ce soit a intercaler d'une maniere raisonnable dans cet intt-rvalle
toutes les six dynasties, XIP — XVIII''. Comme cela est absolu-
ment impossible, il doit etre une erreur ici de I'un ou de Tautre
cote.
()uant a Tan 1454 a. J.-C. pour le regne de Thotmes III, il n"y
a aucun doute possible : I'inscription d'Elephantine est tres claire
quant a la date du lever de Sothis, et le roi Thotmes III y est
nomme avec toute I'evidence ])ossible. L'errcur doit done venir de
I'autre cote, c'est-a-dire de la date de I'an 1SS2 a. J.-C pour le
regne d"Ousertesen III. En verite, nous ne sommes points certains
que ce fiit sous le regne d'Ousertesen III qu'eut lieu le lever de
Sothis du 16 Pharmcuti. Au contraire. Le fragment des Papyrus
Porchardt qui mentionne ce lever nomme un roi Ousertesen mort,
ce qui seulement prouve c|ue le papyrus est posterieur a un
Ousertesen cjuelconque. Cest dans un nom compose d'une ville ou
d'un temple appele V ( I P ^~^ ~~*~^ I — I ' J*-' '""^^ ^'^ tran-
scription de M. Borchardt qui y voit Ousertesen II. ( 'e[)endant,
cette transcription est douteuse. Les Papyrus Petrie, publics par
M. (iriffith, (jui pour la plupart appartiennent au memt; temps,
connaissent une localite v 1 'I '— — ^ 'l^ <=^'' I ^t une autre localite
nommee ■■ <^ ■, [ j 1 *^^~--^ " |, qui selon yi. (iriffith porte le nom
d'Ousertesen III. Peut-etre le nom du Papyrus Borchardt doit-il
etre transcrit ■ fi .. ( 1 1 *^~~^ " | ^ j , et dans ce cas Ouser-
tesen III serait mort au moment de notre lever de Sothis.
'SL Borchardt croit, comme nous avons vu, cp'un autre fragment de
ses papyrus qui cite Ousertesen III comme vivant nous donne la
date du roi contemporain. Du point de vue philologique c'est
possible. ^lais d'une possibilite on ne pent pas tirer une conclusion
(jui renverse tout ce que nous savons ailleurs.
* Voy. Litljlein, Aei;yptisi:hc Chrouoloi^nc, p. 39.
353
Dec. 12] SOCIKTV OF BIBLICAL AKCILl^OLOGY. [1900.
Aussi Topinion de M, Borchardt n'a-t-elle pas ete acceptee par
les egyptologues, vue l"ii'npossil)ilite du resultat. (^)uelques-uns se
tirent de I'embarras [)ar la su^jposition ([ue le calendrier egyptien ait
etc change apres que notie texte avail ete ecrit sans cependant que
Ton saurait preciser le tem])s et la nature du changement : dans ce
cas il serait inutile de faire le calcul, parte (pie nous n'aurions pas
les elements necessoires du calcul.
1 )'autres savans croient que " la donnee doit etre rapportee a la
periode sothiaque i)recedente, et qu'il s'agit du XXXIIP siecle
avant notreere," comme dit M. Opjiert dans un article dernierement
public'.* Pour le lever de Sethis k- 16 I'harniouti ce savant admel
done Ian 3314 a. J.-C. Cependant, je ne jieux pas non plus
accepter cette explication : car Tan 3314 pour le regne d'Ou-
sertesen III n'est guere plus probable que I'an 1882 a. J.-C.
D'ailleurs, la question est beaucou]) plus compliquee, et elle ne se
lai.^se pas resoudre d'une maniere si facile.
(Juant-a-inoi, je crois cpie notre texte n'a pas ete ecrit sous la
XIT' dynastic. L'original, le manuscript primitif peut-etre ; car la
substance, le contenu essentiel roule sur les choses de cette dynastie:
mais les textes (]ue nous avons devant nous sont probal)lement des
copies, du reste assez librenient faites et modelees d'apres les regies,
les formes de la langue en usage au temi)s du copiste, ou ])lutbt un
recueil des annales de temples et d"histoire, comme le Pap\rus
Westcar est un recueil des contes merveilleux, le Pajjyrus Kbers un
recueil ou un code de la metlicine, le Papyrus Mathematique de
Londres un code ties regies de mathemati(|ue. Ttnis ces documents
appartiennent a peu pres au meme tenq)S et revelent par conse-
quent—chose remarquable el importante — -una epoque litteraire et
scientifique. I*'.t cette e'|)oque tombe — chose encore plus sur
prenanle — sur le regne des H\ksos, c"est-a-dire sur la X\''' dynastie
de Manethon, laquelle d'apres ma chronologic regnait de 1925 a
1641 a. ].-C., alors meme lorst^ue les Hyksos t^gyptianises avaient
pris eux-memes les renes du gouvernement et favorisaient les arts el
les sciences des indigenes. Or, le l'ap)rus mathematique porte la
date de Tan 33 d"un roi H\ksos ( Q 1 | I I : ce papyrus
appartenait done t^videmnient aux temps des Hyksos. Le papyrus
* (Jppeit, Illusions f! d^ccptiotn: chronolo^itjucs dans la Rente Archeologitptc,
1900. I, pp. 4-16.
354
])Kr. 12] !'K()rKr:i)iX(;s. [1900.
Westcar etait scl(jn les rccherches cpigraphiciues de M. Ernian un
l)eu anterieur au Papyrus Ehers, et ce dernier papyrus porte sur le
dos un iioai royal que, pour ma part, j'ai toujours regarde comme le
nom d'un roi Hyksos, p. ex. Archies ou quelijuc autre roi de la
XV dynastie Manethonienne.
M. Erman pense cependant que nous avons ici le noni d'Amen-
hotep I ; si c'est veritablement le cas, je serais porte a croire, qu'un
proprietaire posterieur du i)apyrus a ajoute apres-coup sur le dos la
legende avec le nom du roi Amenhotep I. (Tar les trois papyrus
nommes forment visiblement un groupe densemble, et Tun d'eux, le
Papyrus mathematique de Eondres, porte dans le nom de son roi
I'empreinte evidente des temps de Hyksos. De plus, les etudes
litteraires et scientiliques que ces documents revelent n'auraient pas
le loisir necessaire pendant la guerre longue et acharnee des
indigenes contre les Hyksos (jui ensanglantait I'Egypte sous les
predecesseurs immediats d' Amenhotep L Nous ne trouvons cette
epoque paisible tjue sous la XV*' dynastie, apres que les llyksos
avaient consolide leur empire egyptien, et avant que les rois thebains
de la XVn*^ dynastie avaient commence la guerre d'expulsion
contre les dominateurs etrangers.
Maintenant, a ce meme groupe des documents appartiennent
egalement, je crois, les papyrus de Borchardt et de Petrie. II me
parait impossible de les attribuer a la XH*' dynastie surtout a cause
des nouvelles formes grammaticales qui y se trouvent. J'en
citerai quelques exemples, pris pour la plus grande part des
papyrus Petrie qui seuls sont publics :
I. *^^-— -^ ^ = le liri grec. Dans le fragment des Papyrus
Borchardt oli le lever de Sothis est mentionne nous lisons cette
phrase :
' A/WVV\
W W <c:=> y\L\i( _HM MM <z=> O Hi
"Parole; tu sais que: le lever de Sothis eut lieu le 16
Pharmouti." Ici ^^ f^ joue precisement le meme role que joue
le o7( grec (^ui est suivi d'une proposition directe quoiqu'il semble
demander une proposition indirecte.
Cette forme n'etait probablement pas en usage des la XIP
dynastie.
In •'^ — etc. Ces formes qui d'apres la grammaire
355
Ik
Dec. 12] SOCIETV OF 15IBLICAL ARCH.I'OLOGV. [.900.
de M. Erman ^ sont nouvelles se trouvent dans les Papyrus IVtrie
comnic dans le Papyrus Westcar, p. ex.
^^^Il''^^^ The PetriePapyH,yA. 20, XII, 10.
k^ Hi "^^ ^^^ ^ ■ T'^Py"^ Westcar, II, 19.
) (] K^^ ^ ^ Pap. Westcar, IV, 4.
Ces formes indiquent, je crois, un temps posterieur a la XIP
dynastie.
3. || . Le nom propre compose ^^ A v\
I [j Of se trouve dans The Petrie Papyri, pi. XI, 1. 14. Or, les
noms propres composes de ^^ ne se trouvent jamais, autant
que je sache, avant la XI IP dynastie. Dans I'ancien empire et
jusqu'ala tin de la XIP dynastie ces surnoms sont toujours formes
par Aw^.-, T voy. mon Dictionnairc de ?ifliiis, Nos. 139, 22S, 529,
1494, 15 14, 1560, tandisque la forme ^^ ne commence a
apparaitre qu'avec la fin de la XI IP' dynastie et le commencement
de la XVIIP dynastie pour devenir plus tard tres frequente (voy. mon
Dictioujiaire, Nos. 235, 349, 571 et passim).
\'oila encore une forme qui revele un temps posterieur a la XIP
dynastie. Les exemples cites s'accordent done tres bien et nous
menent au meme resultat, ce qui semble prouver que nos textes ne
sont pas ecrits sous la XIP dynastie, conime on a pense jusqu'ici.
Pour ce motif je crois, que les papyrus trouves par MM. Flinders
Petrie et Borchardt dans le Fayoum et ses environs sont des annales
historiques et ecclesiastiques recueillies et ecrites pendant I'epoque
litteraire et scientifique dont nous avons parle plus haut, cette epoque
qui a i)roduit les recueils de mathematique de me'dicine, de contes
* Eiman, A^yptisJie Graininatil;, J; 115. Un lit dans § 113: " Krsl die
Vulgiirsprache des miuleren Keiches beginnt das Demonstrativ ^^ ^^
aL< AitiUel zii veiwenden '' ; et dans § 115 : " Aus der Verbindiing des Artikels
mit den I'ossessiv.suffixen entstebt in der spaleren Sprache der Audsruck
J^'^ljS»L=^ 'der seinioe," Koplisch nUOq."
Dec. 12] PROCEKDIN(;S. [1900.
populaires et qui tombait sur la XV'' dynastie. Les rois Hyksos
de cette dynastic ont done joue a peu pres le meme role dans
I'histoire intellectuelle de I'Egypte que jouait plus tard la dynastie
etrangere des Ptolemees qui apres avoir consolide leur pouvoir dans
le pays conquis prenaient goiat pour sa civilisation, fondaient le
Musee et la grande bibliotheque d'Alexandrie, faisaient ecrire
I'histoire egyptienne a Manethon et traduire les livres de I'Ancien
Testamtnt aux Septante.
Comme la X\'*^ dynastie dont j'ai indique depuis long temps la
position politique* regnait de 1925 — 1641 a. J.-C, le lever
heliaque de Sothis de I'an 1882 a. J.-C. avait lieu sous I'un de ses
premiers rois. On ne saurait dire lequel. Car les six rois de la
XV^ dynastie dont INIanethon indique les noms et la duree des
regnes ont regne si long temps, 284 ans, qu'ils ne sont probablement
que des representants d'un plus grand nombre des rois ; aussi
Manethon donne-t-il a la XVI^ dynastie qui n'est autre chose qu'une
recapitulation, une sommation de toute la domination des Hykoos
32 rois et 511 ans.
L'explication que jai donnee ici du lever de Sothis le 16
Pharmouti me sourit, puisqu'elle leve les difficultes chronologiques,
qu'elle s'accorde avec les nouvelles formes grammaticales de nos
texts, et qu'elle jette une lumiere inattendue sur une epoque obscure
de I'histoire litteraire et scientifique de I'Egypte. Je la soumets au
jugement des savants.
Dixi et animum meum liberavi.
Christiania, 21 aout, 1900.
* Lieblein, Recherches stir la chronologie egyptienne, p. 89 ^v.
357
J)EC. 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCIL^OLOGY. I1900.
THE TEMPLES OF ANCIENT BABYLONIA, I.
By Theophilus (i. Pinches.
It having been represented to me that a publication of the
tablets containing lists of the temijles of Babylonia would be a
useful one, I have tried to supply this want by copying and
transcribing all the texts of this class which were known to me,
and I give a first instalment of them herewith. As this is mainly
a publication intended for Assyriologists and those interested in
Assyriology, it was at first intended to give, with the texts, a ])ro-
visional transcription only. As, however, there are a great many
scholars, not Assyriologists, who are more or less interested in the
religion of Babylonia, and therefore in the names of the tem]jles of
that ancient land, it has been thought well to add to the text and
transliteration a provisional translation as well, in order that all the
members of the Society of Biblical Archaeology may at least see the
nature of the inscriptions published in the Proceedi)ii:;s of the Society
to which they belong.
It is greatly to be regretted that most of the tablets inscribed
with lists of temples are very fragmentary ; but such as they are,
they will be found by students, in all probability, to be very valuable
as far as they go. Many of the temples given by them are men-
tioned repeatedly in the extensive literature of Babylonia and
Assyria, and the religious and other texts referring to temples will
probaby contribute much, in their turn, to the elucidation of the
names contained in those now placed before the members of this
Society.
358
Dec. 12]
TROCEEDINGS.
[1900.
K. 3089.
A List of Temples and Names of Streets.
Side with Names of Temples.
:r^/^yj:^>^?^v/^'/^v:
6 K
9f^
-rrrr
-yrrr
-irrr
-rrrr
t^'^^'^'^X' ''■S^y'^^'SA'^y-''^A'^y i^
K. 3089.
Transcription.
<«
->f 5^^ Jff^ V <Ig[ -^
->f -0 V V -ill
--f ^ t-yy >:<T^
> - -Hf- t-t] HI
•^n ^^rir :^ ^i ->f -^r
<^yyy^^y.^y^^-y^^'^
/ / / /<(xV'.-^^N'?..-rA.-.T'.V.-r-AV:rA>-..^!0---^'
Translation.
BitD.P
3 Bit D.P. Be-lit Babili
Bit D.P. Sin
Bit D.P. Pap-sukal
6 Bit D.P. Dumu-zi sa nisati
Bit D.P. Nabu sa nikasi
Bit D.P. Nin-gis-zi-da
9 [Bit] D.P. A-nu-ni-tu™ §a lib-bi
[Bit] D.P. Nabu sa ha-ri-i*
[Bit] iJtar A-ga-de D.S.
12 [Bit] D.P, As-ra-tu™
Temple of
Temple of the Lady of Babylon.
Temple of Sin.
Temple of Pap-siikal.
Temple of Tamvitiz of the distant place.
Temple of Nebo of property.
Temple of Nin-gis-zida.
^Temple of] Anunitii'" which is
within ....
Temple of] Nebo of . . .
[ Temple of] /Star of Agade.
^Temple] of As rat u'".
Or ha-ri-tii"' .
359 2 F
Dec. 12]
SOCIETY OF i;il!LICAL ARCII.KOLOC; V.
[ 1 9C0 .
Tkanscrh'iion.
[Bit] D.P. Mag lib-ba Babili D.S.
[Bit] D.P. Nin-ip
15 [Bit D.P.] Si (?) lib-bi Su-an-na
[Bit . . ] D.P. Nabu
[Bit D.P.]Nin E-an-na
18 [Bit D.P. . . .] lib-ba la (?) -ne (?)
[Bit] D.P. (?)
Translation.
[TcMplt] of Maf) within Babylon.
lTemple\ofNinip.
\^Tcinple\ ofSi[?) iciiliin Sii-anna.
ITeinple'] of Ncho . . .
[Temp/e] of the Lady of t-anna.
[Temple of . . .] 7i'iihin ....
[Tem/'/eof]ihe,^vc/(?)
K. 3089.
Side with Names of Streets.
'-'•0-r/^--/0-:
■~JL-
-YYYY
-YYYY
ti^m^ny ^ %\^x:^ ^:^ -^y ^y --
P->f «< yy jIii^ >yz^ ti^ -^y ^y -*
i& A^ 4f ^ ^y ^yyy ^y ^ ^^yi 4f ^
h^t! ^!
m
y fe-:::- , - ^
^ !^>:T-Y ^y ^^' YY
5^ j=^^ ^y- -4- ¥^IS1^
j^ 5.:^! ^y- -^:\
'■^■»^ {'-)
* Or r:.!c'? + Probably gi.
J Jiiflgin^ from Reissner, pi. 142, II., lines 11 cmd 12, lines 9 and 10, above
.should read
-W,
-*r-Y
^y- ->f ^4f 4f ^ ^ ^yyy ^y
:S:|
[^S:| ^y^
Ey- -Ar ^ j^iy ^yyy ^y :^- ttVr 4f 4 .^ =
->4-Y
with, perhaps, "^7, snq, " street," at the beginning of each, and possibly
without t^^f fiy*-. In all probability, also, ""t^, with or without ?:^^ ^y>-,
should be restored at the beginning of every line. The text of the lines in
Reissner reads ^\ ^^ ->f ^^ ^^j^ -^> ^\ "^ ^^ ^\ ^f-
>->J- ■^TTI, Ahulli D.P. Addi napiS-/iin iinunaiii . . . abtilli D.P. . . ., "the
city gate of Hadad, the life of (my) people . . . = the city gate of (? Hadad)," and
#? ^y- -HF- 4f j^^y ^1 m- ^4 .iy, #? ^y- ->f 4.
Abnlli D.P. iiainaH isid imt/nani kcnii abiilli D.P. Sa///a.^; "the city-gate of
SamaS, the foundation of (my) faitliful people = the city-gate of Samas."
360
Dec. 12]
PROCEEDINGS.
[1900.
K. 3089.
Transcription.
ki .
silli
3 D. P. nir-su
Za-ga]-ga mu-hal-liq ga-ii-5u
Marduk re'i mati-su
6 . . Is-tar la-mas-si um-ma-ni-su
Bel mu-kin Sairuti-su
D. P, Sin (mina) agi sanTiti-Su
suq abulli
suq abulli D. P. Za[-ga-ga]
suq abulli D.P. [Marduk]
suq abulli D. P. [Is-tar]
suq abulli D. P. [Bel]
suq abulli D.P. . . .
D.P. Addu napis-tam um-ma-ni-ia-ri (?) [suq abulli D.P. Addi .^]
. iSid (?) um-ma-ni-ia gi (?) . [suq abulli D.P. Samas]*
lib(?)
Translation.
3 god Nii-Su (?)
. Zag-aga, who puts his enemies
to flight
Merodach shepherd of his
eountry
6 . . Istar the patron^ of her people
. Bil establisher of his dominion
. Sin do. of the eroivn of his
dominio)!
9 . . Hadad the life of the people . . .
[SamaS the everlasting fctiuda-
iion'\ of my people
heart (}) ....
place {!)
protection
street of the city-gate
street of the city -gate of Zagaga
street of the city -gate of \_Merodach\
street of the city -gate of\_IStar'\
street of the city -gate of [Bel]
street of the city -gate of [Sin~\
[street of the city -gate of Hadad]
[street of the city -gate of SamaS]
[SP. II. 385 is a similar fragment, and may continue the above, though this
is doubtful, the variants for lines 9 and 10 being more than would be expected in
a duplicate.]
+ Apparently the word lamassit has no feminine form.
* See the note above {%, p. 3).
.^61
2 F 2
Dec. 12] .SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL AKCM.EOLOGY.
[ 1 900.
K. 4374 + 8377. Obverse.
Column I.
Column II.
m
m
-B -B
iT ^w v,< J^r ti
m ->f ^^T ^--
m IT
mil
-^-m
t^^r EiH
-1
1
TfTin ^^n^r >fii
* Also written, in later times, in Babylonian, JS^ ^ly^l ^ j and
^y ^M ^nff-^^j E-saggih Aram. ^JJD'''' (tablet Bu. 88-5-12, 619.)
Provisional Transcription.
Co
-me-lam an . . .
L. L
Coi.. II.
-me-lam ....
-su-El-lil-li
Bit
-su-si-gus-ri-a
-pad-da-nu-un (?)
-me-lam-gus
-me-nigin-su-du
-nam-en-gar-ra
-rab-ri-ri
-rab-sa-sa
-Sanga-maga
-mu(?)-ne-gi§-tug
-su-lag-ga-dum-ma
Bit mina sa
Bit D.P. Sa-dara[-nuna]
Bit D.P. Bil--gi
Bit D.P. Nin-nimme(?)
Bit mina
Bit En-nu-gi
Bit mina
Bit D.P. Azaga-su
Bit mina.
Bit D.P. Nin-sara
[E-]abzu ....
E-abzu
E-abzu . . .
E-babbara .
E-ku . . .
E-a-ra-gis-bara (?)
E-sag-ila*
E-gir-tam (?)
i>-tab-ku (?)
* In later times £-saggil, Aram. Vc-saiigil (see note * above).
362
Dec. 12]
PROCEEDINGS.
f 1 900.
Provisional"^Translation.
Col. II.
Tei/iplc of the g/oiy of Iwavt'ii {}) . . . .
Temple of the glory
TcDijjle of the perjection of Bel
Temple of the glory of hiiSria
Temple of the declaration of the oracle
Temple of the terrible glory
Temple of the completion of the assembly (?)
Temple of the institution of dominion
Temple rah-ri-ri
Temple rab-Sa-Sa
Temple of the supreme priest
Temple of supplication-hearing
Temple of the performance of hand-washing
temple
temple do. of ... .
temple of Sa-dara-niina
temple of Bilgi
temple of Nin-nimme (?)
temple do.
temple of En-nii-gi\
temple do.
temple of Azaga-sii
temple do.
temple of Nin-Sara
* The probable completion is fiYYTY Y»- ^I^^C^Y "-^f- >^aT? E-mc-lam-an-na,
with the translation here given. The temple of Nusku at IJarran bore this
name.
t Explained by K. 8382 as " the temple of the judge."
Col. II.
[Temple'] of the abyss*
Temple of the abyss*
Temple of the abyss*
Temple of brilliance \the temple of the sun at Sippar]
Temple of Merodach [?]
Temple of the appearance [?] of fire [?]
Temple of the high head [the temple of Belus at Babylon]
Temple of the coming [?] of day [?]
Temple tabku [?]
* In all probability there was another character, qualifying the word
»-J:yy tt^T) ZUAB = ABZU, meaning "abyss," in these three lines. It is not
improbable that in some cases a " sea " or receptacle with water for lustral pur-
poses was intended. Officials called ^f>- ^Tf ^^sig-abzu, four in number, are
mentioned on the tablet B. 42.
363
Dec. 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY.
[1900.
K. 4374 + 8377.
Reverse.
-TUT -^TT <T- -^1^ -yyr ^^yy j j^yyyy yy
3 ^yyTTT-J^^T-^!T<T--TTT-^l!!ET^:i!! ! j^TTTT ->f -^'
' ^TTTT-H^;:..
5^TTTT -^TT
<T'
^TTT-^UI^ im -Vr J^^T
3 E
su
me -
su
gur
lam
lam
Transcription.
El
HI
bit D.r. Nergal
bit mina
bit D.r. Gig (?)
bit D.r.
u D.P. . . .
ku -*
Translation.
Temple of the meslam, filled [with') reverenec'\ temple of Nergal
Temple of the glory (?) of £11 i Hi X
3 Temple of the splendour filled (with) glory
TeJiiple of (gods with) glory filled
temple do.
temple of GiS (?)-
temple of the god
and the god
[Temple-]
* The traces following kti look like those of ^g^yy.
t Aleslam (generally read Rttlcim) seems to be the name of a tree or its
fruit. Nergal was called MeSlain-ta-ea, "(the god) who came forth from the
meSlam," or " from the fruit of the mesti (tree)." The rendering of <^ff-, Jii, is
based on the meaning pi/liiljti/, "fear, reverence," which this character has.
For J:yyy<*III^t, g/o; translated by //ial/7, " to fill," see W.A.I. IV, 9, 28^.
X Ellilla (for Eiililla) is the Akkadian name of ihe god Bel.
364
Dec. 12]
PROCEEDINGS.
[1900.
K. 4413 + S376.
A. B.
Provisional Traxscription
OK Column A.5;
R ' ' ' i'
^firiv
^ ,,^,,,J
m VrVr
^ . ;i9il
^mrjjj
1 '- aPEtr
[E]
- XSL
[E]
... • gi - na
- ^_
^rriT <rr
-IIU <TTr
[E]
- a§
^* <^ ]gf :^ r?
[E]
. bi (?) - ku - du - a
c:iu:s^^^r
m<w
[E]
. bi - ku - dagal - la
.. r -^^1 th ^]Vy ^r
m <y;
[E]
. zu-gal-kalam-ma
mA^ '^rij^ 5.1?? ^T
-yyrr <y\\^
[E]
- gur -
Nag - kalam - ma
^nif^mj^: r?
m <^i^
[E]
- kala
- du - a
^M j:^r -^n
^TTTf <;;;;;?
[E]
- al,
maga
^y!yf->f - ->f -^n
^rriT <B
[E]-
dingira
as - dingira - maga
^inr -iE^.
-riTf«-',
E
maga
mt<:BQ^'^]'i^-^:i
mm.
uniun
ni - sag - maga
m ^i ^— ^ir
m <MM
E
us
gid - da
-Mj?5<r^-E?Trx^-^rr
m «!yy
us - gi
d - da - gid - da
-M v^JS: ->f <IU
m «v
E
- Dili-
- ili D..S.
-M ^/. <r- — >fi^
^inr «v/ .
[E]
- *
- igi - gala
^M^B lij V ^::rr
^rni «;^j?
[E] -
bara
- ku - gar - ra
mm Vr -rR n
^irir «v
[E]
- l:)ara
- a - ri - a
^M^v .4f I rr
-nrr «;;];];?
[E]
- bur
- na - su - a
^ffif-^ir .4 >fix^i
^nn«jjj ^^-
[E]
- uru
na - nam
mi A^ ^r 4^ ^^v.'eh ■
^rrrr <«
[E]
- ni -
te - gur - sag
^M -^Tiy i^?;;^^^^ D :::^:^
-iriy«<T
[E]
sa
- guq - qu
^xa^,^^',i:<» yYY
--•■ r-^}iJ^ MY
m <«ii
[E -
du?]
azaga
.-W>wT|i >wy
m<mw^-^i t
[E]
1
ara - kara
'\;:;';i^-^
^M«<VV<^.; t
[E]
tim
i-TTTT ///YYY m--
J ^iiii WMT T _^ ;7
.:- - -;..-;^;^^:..^.....,....,.^...Ji
^#^^i|x^^- N
t Probable completion ^^!^^ ^^« y ^TEJ,
Only ^yy to be seen — no traces of ►=
p7^ the city Ur (Muyuyyar). :t Probable completion j:;;^ ^Jg[, A;'*^ § The
^ranscfi]3iion of B is omitted, as the lines simply contain the character for temple, /'/7//', followed
by a number. Lines 28-30 have, in addition. Sa O'n {?), "of Ur"; m KeB, "of A?«"; and
ia . . . . , "of " (See the foregoing footnotes).
365
Dec. 12]
SOCIETY OF 15H5LICAL ARCII.KOLOG V.
[ 1 9C0.
Provisioxat. Translation of A and B.
[Tc/iip/t] ra*
6 \Temple\ gi-na
[Temple] -as
[Temple] . . -bi-kii-dii-a
9 [Temple] . . -bi-kti-dagal-la
[Temple] . . -zti-gal-kalamma
[Temple] of the moitiitaiu of th<: icorld
12 [Temple] kala-dii-a
[ Temple] supreme house
[Temple] of the one god, the supreme god
1 5 IVie supreme temple
Temple of the supreme chief lord
Temple of the long staff {})
18 Temple of the long staves (?)
Temple of D77r4li\
[Temple] of the intelligent . . .
21 [Temple] of him Tiiho d-vells in the sanctuary
[Temple] of the {firmly) founded sanctuary
[Temple] hur-na-sua
24 [ Temple] like a cityX
[Temple] of the terror of the mountain
[Temple] of reverence (?) of heart
27 [ Temple] of the glorious [abode ?]
[ Temple] of glorious brilliance
[ Temple] .... -iim
10
[leniplc] 6
temple 7
temple 8
temple 9
temple 10
temple 1 1
temple 1 1
temple 13
temple 14
temple 15
temple 16
temple 17
temple 18
temple 19
temple 20
temple [21]
temple 2[2]
temple 23
temple 24
temple 25
temple 2.(i
temple 27
temple 28
temple 29
temple 30
temple 31
temple 32
temple 33 of Cr (?)
temple 34 of KcS
temple ZScf ■ •
* Or.r/.
t This is explained in W.A.I. II, 13, 1. 19, as the temple-tower of Lar.sa.
"t The name of this temple, E-uru-na-nam, requires, like many others,
further examination. The force of the ending nanam, however, will be seen in
the expressions [U->iag'f] aabba-gi rada-nanam, "when (in) the middle of ihe
sea there is a stream," Sem. Bab., inuSa kirib tamti"* ratumma (Bilirgual story
of the Creation, line il); bur-mi-bi-nanatn, "his raven is black," Sem. Bab.,
erib-su salmumma ; etc. These and similar passages, compared with Briinnow,
1597 '• [''^] '"'"" = kidm, " thus," imply some such meanings as " to be," " to
be like," or similar.
366
Dec 12]
PROCEEDINGS.
[ 1 900.
K. 4714.
A small tablet only i^ in. high, closely written on both sides and on the edges.
B -m
:^I -- ->f iiir
4^T J^ 4
•^
eI -^
eI -^
eT -<
12 ^y
EDGE. ^T:^r?^j'^Jl,T-^^r4
Rev. :^r'~M,<; - -^%yg:!
is j^y:4:ycyi^y->f^<
2 I ^y ^^
^ffT r& «i ^y
24 ^y -^ij. hk -ly
:^y'^yT|yrf^-4-^<<<<<?i^
27 ^^y *^y
^ ^y ^:^y^^
Edge, ^^f -^ y^ ^:: ,:>: :; ; . . , ,
30 ^y 4-T?if : ; ^-[^
367
^y
iy
^y
^y
^y
^y
^y
^y
%\
%\
%\
%\
->f -y
y^:
"^1
^y
^y
^v
->y- ^^
Di:c. 12]
SOCIETV OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY
[1900.
K. 4714.
Transcription.
Ti-amat
[Ki?] Dilmun- (D.S.) na
3 Ki Aratta D.S.
Engur-ra
E-du-azaga
6 E-ga-ni-nuna-gi-du
I-I-gal-ana-ki
As-te-ki-el
9 Ki-ni-din* zaga
Ki-ir-hi* giiba
Dili-gan
12 E-u-zu
E-ub-a-ra-al-li
Ti- . . . .
15 Di (?)...
E-ri(?)-da(?)
E-siti-du
18 E-sag-ga-an-na (?)
E gul (?) -[la]
E-nigin- [na ?]
21 E- gira
E-gu-si-sa
E-giir-sa-ba
24 E-mag-ti-la
E-igi-guba
E-gis-ku-pi-D.r. Nisaba
27 Jvku-gara
Ki-unu
Ivgiri lal
30 E-di-
Ivgana
Su-[bal]
Su-[bat]
Su-bat [D.r. Kap-ta?]
Su-bat D.P. E-[a]
Su-bat D.r. E(?)- . . .
Su-bat D.I'
Su-bat D.r. Zir-pa[-ni-lu"']
.Su-bat D.r. Is-5ar(?)
Su-bat D.P. Bel sa . .
Su-bat D.P. A- . . . .
Su-bat D.P
Su-bat D.P
[Su-bat D.P.] . . . .
[Su-bat D. P.]
[Su-bat D.P.] . . . .
[Su-bat D.P.] . . . .
Su-bat [D.P.] ....
[Su]-batD.P
[Su]-bat D.P
[Su]-bat D.P
[Su]-bat D.P
Su-bat D.P. Li(?) . . .
Su-bat D.P. [Bil-daia]
Su-bat [D.P. Nabu]
Su[-batD.P. Igi-guba?]
[Su-bat D.P. Nisaba?]
[Su-bat D.P.] .
[Su-bat D.P.] .
[Su-bat D.P.] .
[Su-bat D. P.] .
[Su-bat D.P.] .
* The characters in these two lines are all clearly written. Never-
theless, one cannot help thinking that the names given ought to be either
^1 jrf^ >ik.' -''^''■"'-^"'j oi' *^T J[$i^ i^. AV-/;--/// in each case.
Tr.\nslation.
'J 'he sea
DiliiiHita
3 Aratta
The loaler-chaiinel
the ahode of . . .
the abode of . . .
the alwde of [ Kapta ?]
the abode of Ea
368
Dec. 12]
PROCEEDINGS.
[1900.
The house of tlic glorious abode
6 E-ga-niimna-gidu
Temple of the seer^) of heaven and earth
The servant's throne
9 Ki-ni-din of the right^'
Ki-ir-lii of the left^
Dili-gan
12 The temple of the seer
The temple of the rei^ion of Hades
Ti-
15 Di{l)-
E-rida (?)
E-siti-du
18 E-sag^a-anua (?)
The temple of joy (?)
The temple of the sanctuary
21 The temple of power (?)
The temple of the dii eitor(}) of the lanil[})
E-gnr-saha
24 The supreme temple of lifcX
E-igi-guba
The temple of the car of corn
27 E-ku-gara
Ki-tinu
The temple of the siiwrd-bearer .
30 E-di-
E-p-ana
the abode of Ea (?)
the abode of ... .
the abode of Zirpaniiic'"
the abode of Issar (1)
the abode of Bel of .
the abode of A- .
the abode of ... .
the abode of .
\the abode of^
[the abode of] . .
[the abode of] . . .
[the abode of] ...
the abode of ... .
the abode of ... .
the abode of ... .
the abode of ... .
the abode of ... .
t he abode of Lt {}) .
the abode of[Bil-dara]\
the abode of[Nebo]
the ab[ode of Igi-guba ?]
[the abode of Nisaba ?]
[the abode of] .
[the abode of]
[the abode of] . .
[the abode of] . . .
[the abode 0^]
* For the reading of the untranslated word in lihes 9 and 10, see the note
■on the preceding page.
t Cf. Reissner, pi. 134, 1. 39, etc., where ^Ty>vf-T >->f- ^I^C^f '^-f-^Ti
■*' mother Bil-dara," is described as " lady of E-gur-saba."
t Judging from Reissner, pi. 140, 1. 170, it would seem as if E-mag-tlla,
"the supreme temple of life," were the same as E-zida, the temple-tower of
Borsippa. Compare also pi. 10, 1. 148; pi. 63, 1. 14; pi. 73, rev. 12, etc.,
together with W.A.I. IV, pi. 11, 11. ita, 12b, etc. In W.A.I. IV-, pi. 29,
11. 28-30<7, Merodach is called sar Babilim.. bel E-sagila, Sar E-zida, bSl E-mag-
tila, " king of Babylon, lord of E-sagila, king of E-zida, lord of E-mag-tila." It
is upon the above passages from Reissner, and the cylinder-inscription of Nebu-
chadnezzar published by the Rev. C. J. Ball in the Proceedings for May, 1888,
col. 1,1. 42 (Plate II), that the restoration here given is based. According to
.this text, E-mag-tila was \hQ papaha Nabi't, " chamber " or " chapel of Nebo."
369
Dec. 12]
SOCIETV OF DIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGV.
[jigoo.
S. 2 78.
A.
-i.'^x-
-/'j;-r/'j;-/
v^«nr
gyyy^vv^yii--iy-^y<iiy
6-isgtr^y!^yyyv-ii-yyy<igf
~^//\~j> //^.-, < // ':~j'f/ '.-,1/
B.
,ri-x-;>>.J
15
-yyyy-M:'
j^yiiy IH •^i.v.
5^yyyn- ^y§-
-yiiy ^ -s^yy
^yyyy ^4f -yyy
^yny < 1
-yyyy <- -^ ^
^yyyy ^^y ^yi? ^T^
^yyn ^y <s:yy ^ '7^
^yiyyitT^^-.;-..;>a^
^j^y^yy
^yyry
■ m <--
j^yyyy-^^
'"v
f^4-^2S^\2^'S^' -
* Possibly a variant for li^Y^yY /II.
t 6/. W.A.I. II, 61, lineTi de.
X This character is apparently to be completed' ^yj;^, l>ul what followed
it, if anythinr;, is uncertain. K. 9179, Col. I, line 5, mentions the temple
^yyyy ^'*f IH "^yy^?''-^-^'- ^■'■-■^'^A^ "t^e temple ol the Hero"— "(If>
thou go to the Temple of the Hero, tiiou shalt come forth from what is evil,"
§ Possibly to be completed S^yyyy y>- "^y TJ'^y 'E^yy^, E-mde-iir-sagy
a temple at Kis (Hymer) restored (.■") by a kini; whose name seems to read
(->f ^4f ^n li t^ -y 4H?i)' ^^:A-i- I. pi- 5.
xxii. A)iparently it was the temple of the god Zagaga {sec line 7 of the text
quoted, and cf. the tablet B, 52, line 70), and the great temple-tower of the
place {E-Hi-c-nir-ki-dur-ina^a, "the temple-tower, the supreme seat," B. 52,
W.A.I. II, 50, line 12). It was restored by IJammurabi, who "raised its head
like heaven" (B. 52a, 71-74).
Dec. 12]
PROCEEDINGS.
[ 1 900.
Transcription of S. 278.
A.
Translation of S. 278.
A.
sa Gir-su D.S.
sane Sa bit Uru-azaga
ilalsu
Dur-Ku-ii-gal-zi
hi-sa sa Sin-na D.S.
Belti sa Nippuri D.S.
[The remainder has
traces of char-
acters only.]
oj Girsii
{temple 2)2 {})of i/ie house of
Uru-azaga
[temple) 23 (?)
the fortress of- Din-
Knri-gahit
. oftJieI\Iooui^odcity'
. [of) Belti s ofN'/ppur
B.
E-
E-
E-
E-
E-
t.
E-
E-
E.
E-
E-
E-
E-
E-
15 E.
E-
E-
ur-sag(?). .
nie-te-[ur-sag]
hi-li . . .
12
im-ga .
utul (?). . .
mi-is (mis
a-dan-us .
ut-dim-ma (?)
ur ur- . . .
lu- ....
me-
mi-
mi-
zi(?)- . . .
Temple of
Temple of
Temple of the hero (})\ . .
Temple of the glory [of the he
Temple of the glory
Temple of
Temple of the shepherd (?) .
Temple of the mesw-tree (?) .
Temple of the power of .
Temple of the brilliance (?) .
Temple of the moitn\tain'\ (?).
Temple of the man
Temple of the voice '(i).
Temple of
Temple of
Temple of
Temple of
* Or, perhaps, " the city Sinna," with the same meaning.
t See note f on preceding page.
X See note ij: on preceding page.
De(. 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1900.
pr.^:fecti ^gypti.
January 2)0t/i, 1900.
Dear I\Ir. Rvlands,
In connexion \Yith the dates and order of the Praefecti .'Egypti
of the first two centuries of our era, of whom the most complete hst
yet provided has been given by J. Grafton Milne, M.A., in his
*' Egypt under Roman Rule," and also a shorter one by Dr. Botti in
the " Bulletin of the Institut Egyptien," the following notes may be
of service in constructing an improved catalogue.
The M. Maximus, under Augustus, the authority, for whose
official existence was, as stated by M. Milne, Philo, is also mentioned
by Phny, " Nat. Hist.," 36, 9-69, and he is the " M. Magio M. f.
Maximo pra?f(ecto)yEgypti," "Tarraconenses," of Cor. Ins. Latinorum
IX, 1125.
A. Avillius Flaccus, to whom Mr. Milne assigns years 32 to 37 a.d.,
is referred to in the 21st year of Tiberius, say a.d. 35, in a papyrus
obtained by M. Boissier of Geneva. The text is an order from
Flaccus to collect arms from the people.
Mr. ISIilne's " L. Lusius" of a.d. 54 has been shown by M.
Seymour de Ricci to be L. Lusius Geta : the Lusius Geta of Tacitus
('* Annales," XII, c. 42), the lacuna following Aoi'a/o? Aoi'ff/ov being
completed by TiItu^ in the Dimeh inscription ; this identification
makes a.d. 54 Lucius Geta's final year of office.
The ]M. Petronius Honoratus, of Berlin and British Museum
papyri, is the " M. Petronio M. filio Quirina tribu Honorato prcefecto
yEgypti " of " Cor. Ins. Latinorum," 6, No. 1625.
There is also an Egyptian Prefect Longasus Rufus, omitted in
the lists, of whom more anon, mentioned in " Berlin Griechische
Urkunden," 807-10, and an undated inscription of him has just
been found at Alexandria.
With reference to a third Titianus, who occurs under Caracalla's
reign as a high official, perhaps proefect, in M. Nicole's Geneva
pajjvrus No. I, Mr. Milne suggests he may be the Titianus termed
372
Dec. 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
procurator of Dion, executed by Aurelius Theocritus at Caracalla's
command; but it is possible the papyrus personage was not a
prsefect, and not the official alluded to by Dion, but the Flavius
Titianus recorded in an inscription of a.d. 229, found at Beuet
in Germany (see " Jahr. des Vereins von Altertumsfreunden in
Rheinlande," 1898, p. no); it commences "I. O M. Marti
propugnatori S. Victoriae Saluti imp. Severi Alexandri Aug."^
and terminates, " Legio I Minervia Pia Fidelis Severiana Alex-
andriana cum auxiliis pugna rebus peractis cumque Titio Rufino
clarissimo viro Leg. legionis eiusdem . . . Agente sub Flavio
Titiano legato Augusti pro prastore consulari nostro ponendam
curavit VI calend nouembres Imp. Alexandre et Dione cos."
The second volume of " The Oxyrhynchus Papyri " presents us
with the names of several new Prtefects of Egypt under Commodus^
fortunately in their chronological order in connection with the great
papyrus of the " Petition of Dionysia." These in their order of
succession are : —
Flavius Sulpicius Similis, Longasus Rufus, and Pomponius
Faustianus. The dates derivable from the papyrus prove the former
was prefect in November, 182 a.d., and also in 183 a.d. The
second in a.d. 1S5, and that Faustianus commenced his career as
prsefect before January, 186 a.d. Previous to having the assistance
of this new document, Mr. Milne tells us ("Roman Egypt," 179)
that Flavius Priscus was prsefect in 181, and M. Aurelius Papirius
Dionysius sometime under Commodus, whilst between the years
180 and I S3 A.D. he places a certain P. M^enius Flavianus. It will
be seen therefore that his list of prsefects, and those of the new
papyrus, give no less than six of such officials for the twelve-year
reign of Commodus, besides some of the dates being apparently
contradictory. The Dionysia Papyrus appears to preclude P. Meenius
Flavianus being in office between 180 and 183, and the length of
their term of office does not admit of six prsefects in twelve years.
Death, or removal from office, may have shortened the term of
some of them, but the discrepancies are too great for this to account
for all the difficulties, and it is to be hoped that a reconsideration of
the matter, aided by the additional evidence, will place the true
order of the various prsefects in its correct succession.
Yours sincerely,
JOSEPH OFFORD.
373
Dec. 12] SOCIETY OF HIULICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1900.
Notes.
I.. Munatius Felix, interesting because almost certainly the
pn^fect of Justin's "Apology," known from other papyri to have
l)een in office between a.d. i. 18-154, is now definitely fixed by a
papyrus published in " Oxyrhynchus Papyri," Part II, as in power
in A.D, 151.
In '• Hermes," 1898, Herr Meyer states that Claudius Firmus
set up Psilaan, prince of the Blemmyes, as puppet Emperor, ruling
Egypt as his prefect.
A Praefect whose mutilated name occurs in the Berlin Papyrus,
No. 378, is not accounted for here. The document is dated in the
10th year of some Emperor, and alludes to the II Trajana Fortis
Legion. The name occurs twice as follows : — -
A[o('];Y''"'' '^'' j "irid '' . . nTu<
See Comptes Rendu s Academic des Inscriptions, 1900, p. 211.
THE PRAEFECTS OF EGYPT.
The handiest list of the praefects of Egypt is certainly that
published by Prof. Milne in the fifth volume of Prof. Petrie's
History of Egypt (pp. 1 76-181). Having on different occasions
collected a few additional notes on the subject, I print them here,
hoping they may be of use to students. As a matter of fact. Prof.
Paul Meyer has given some of them in his new book on the army
in Egypt under the Greek and Roman domination* ; however, as
his book is not at all easy of access, it is better to give here all I
have collected on the subject, except, of course, what Mr. Offord has
included in his article (see above). I have made constant use of
Dessau's excellent ProsopogrnpJiia imperii romatii, which appears to
be seldom quoted in English booksf. Here is then the list of
praefects, with the earliest and latest dates known of each of them,
and all additional references known to me and not quoted by
Prof. Milne.
* Paul M. Meyer, Das Hcerwcsen dcr Ptolemaccr Jind Rocner in Aegypten.
I^eipzig. 1900. 8vo. (Tcuhner) .\ — 231 pages.
t Berlin, 1897-98, 3 volumes, 8vo. ; by Klebs, von Rohden and Dessau ;
<|uoled in this article as P.
374
Dec. 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
1. (30-Apl. 29 i!,c.)... ... Gaius Cornelius Gallus (P. I,
448). Inscription from Rome, Btillettino Comunale, 1886,
p. 332, n. 1367), mentioning a C. Co7-iielms Galli libert{iis)
Hermia. Eutropius, 7, 7. Paeanius. Jerome, Chronicon,
years 1989 and 1990. Probus, Ad Vergilii eclogas (ed.
Keil), p. 6, eel. 10, 50. Suetonius, Aug., 66. Plutarch,
Ajitoniiis, 79. Orosius, 6, 19. Ruf. Fest., to. Dio Cassias,
51, 17. Servius, /// Virgilii eclogas, 10, i, et Georg., 4, i,
Eusebius, C//r(7w'(f<?;/ (Armenian version), year 1991 or 1992.
Syncellus, p. 583, 18. Ammianus IMarcellinus, 17, 45.
Fragmenia Bobiensia (Grammatici, latini, vii), p. 543. Virgil,
Eel., 10 ; 6, 64. Ovid, Trist., 2, 445 ; 4, 10, 53 ; 5, i, 17 ;
Aino7-es, 1, 15, 29 ; 3, 9, 64 ; Ais amatoria, 3, 334 ; Reined,
aiiioris, 769; Propertius, 3, 34, 91. Martial, 8, 73, 6.
Quintilianus, 10, i, 93; i, 5, 8. Vibius Sequester (ed.
Bursian), p. 5, 21. Cicero, Ad Familiares, 10. 32. Anon.,
De viris ilhistribus, 82, 2. Suetonius, De Gramiiiaticis, 16.
Life of Virgil \iy Valerius Probus (ed. Reifferscheid), p. 53;
by Donatus, p. 59; by Phocas, p. 70, 31. Parthenius
■7rcp\ cfjw-ikui' 77(101] iiu7tJL'i', preface. Isidorus Hispalensis,
Origines, 6, 9. Suetonius, re/., p. 132.
2. (29-26 B.C.) Gaius Petronius (P. Ill, 25)
Pliny, His/. Na/., 6, iSi. Josephus, An/iq. lud., 15, 9, 2.
3. (25 B.C.) Gaius (?) Aelius Gallus (P. I,
16). Inscription from Athens, Corpus Inscr. A//icariim,
III, 577. Pliny, His/. Na/., 6, 160. Strabo, 2, 118.
Zonaras, 10, 32. Josephus, An/iq. lud., 15, 9, 3. Galenus,
xii, 629, 738, 784; xiii, 28, 29, 77, 138, 202, 310, 472,
550j 556, 838, 885 (?) ; xiv, 114, 158, 159, 161, 170, 189,
203, 730.
4. (24-22 B.C.) Gaius Petronius i/eru7n.
5. 13-12 B.C.) PuBLius Rubrius Barbarus (P.
Ill, 137). Inscription from Casinum, C.I.L. X, 5169.
A latin inscription from Rome names a Qiiin/a Barlari
fi/ia, whose nurse was called Rubria Ichmas, doubtless
a daughter or descendent of our praefect.
6. (7 (?) B.C.) Gaius Turranius (P. Ill, 344).
7. (ad. Sept. i-Feb. 3) ... Publius Octavius (P. II, 425).
375 « c;
Dec. 12] SOCIETY OF i;iBLICAL ARCH. KOLOGY. [1900.
8. (Under Augustus) ... IMarcus Magius Maximus (P. II,
323). Inscription from the Oasis, C.I.Gr. Ill, p. 442, n.
4957, line 27. See also Mr. Offord's article (Pliny, JJ/sf.
Nat., 1,6, 9, 69, and C.I.L. IX, 1125).
9. (A.n. lo/ii) Gaius Iulius A(jlha (P. II,
167). Inscription from x'Mexandria, Ephcvuris epii^rophica,
vii, p. 448.
10. (a.d. 14)... ... ... Aemilius Rectus (P. I, 36).
Seneca, Consolatio ad Helviaiii, 19.
11. (About A. D. 15-16) ... Lucius Seius Straho (P. Ill
192). Inscription, C.I.L. V, 4716 and VI, 9535. Tacitus,
AtinaL i, 17; i, 24 ; 4, i ; 4, 23 ; 6, 8. Velleius Pater-
culus, 2, 127. Pliny, Hist. N'at., 36, 197.
12. (a.d. 21) Gaius Galerius (P. II, 106),
13. (a.d. 31) Vitrasius Poleio (P. Ill, 456).
Inscription, C.I.L. X, 3871, referred to him by Dessau.
14. (About A.D. 32) ... ... TiiiERius luLius Severus or
HiBERUS (P. II, 143).
15. (About a.d. 32-37) ... AuLUS (?) AviLLius Flaccus (P.
I, 190). Inscription, C.I.Gr. 4957, line 27. Eusebius,
Chronicoii (Armenian version\ year 2054; Jerome, Chro/i.,
year 2055; Syncellus, p. 615, 11, and 626, 5 ; Wilcken,
Ostraka, n. 1372. See also Mr. Offord's article {Goieva
papyrus).
16. (a.d. 37) ... ... ... Naevius Sertorius Macro (P.
II, 396. Dio Cassius, 58. Suetonius, Ca/ii^ii/a, 12 and 26.
Tacitus, Anna/., 6, 23, 48; ibid., 29, 47; ibid., 15; ibid.,
45, 46; ibid., 50. Philo, Legatio ad Gaiuiii, pp. 551-553.
Philo, In Flaccum, p. 519. Josephus, Antiq. lud., 18, 6,
6.7.
17. (a.d. April 39-41). ... Gaius Vitrasius Poij.io (P. Ill,
456). Pliny, Hist. Nat., 36, 57. Inscription, C.I.Cir. 4963,
wrongly attributed to the fourth year of Tiberius by
Letronne (followed by all later workers), but rightly restored
to Caligula by Professor Dessau.
18. (a.d. 41/42) .. ... Lucius Ae.milius Rectus (P.
I, 36).
376
Dec. 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
19. (a.d. Aug. 45-47). ... Gaius Iulius Postumus (P. II,
208). Inscription from Rome, C.I.L. VI, gi8. Libert i oi
his appear to be mentioned in C.I.L. VI, 19969, 20168,
and 20189. -^ slave {This C. luli Postuini libnxrius) is
known by C.I.L. VI, 9518. Our praefect is also named on
an unpublished Latin inscription from Alexandria, now in
the Athens museum. An Oxyrhynchus papyrus (II, n.
283) shows he was already praefect in August a.d. 45.
20. (a.d. 47-April 52) ... Cnaeus Vergilius Capito (P.
Ill, 401). Tacitus, Histor., 3, 77, 4, 3.
21. (a.d. 54, April) ... ... Lucius Lusius Geta (P. II,
308). Ta.c\X.ns, Amin/., 11, 31,43 and 12, 42; Bormann,
Ephemeris epigraphica, 4, p. 400 ; my note in Jiev. Arch.,
1899, vol. 35, p. 42S. See Mr. Offord's article.
22. (About A.D. 55) . . ... Tiberius Claudius Balhillus
(P. I, 360). Inscription, C.I.Gr. 6668 = Kaibel, 1323.
Seneca, Quaest. Natier., 4, 2, 13.
23. (between Nero and Nerva) [Marcus Mettius] Modestus
(P. II, 384).
24. (a.d. 59- July 61). ... Lucius Iulius Vestinus (P. II,
219). Weight published by Longperier, Journal des sai'a/its,
1873, p. 751, and by Allmer, Inscr. a?it. de Vienne, vol. II,
appendix. Speech of Chxiidius at Lyons, C.I.L. XIII, 1668.
Slaves of his mentioned, C.I.L. VI, 9520 and 17 197.
Tacitus, Hist., 4, 53. Oxyrhynchus papyri II, n. 250.
Inscr. Grenfell, Fayuui totvns, p. ^,2,. See also ^Vilcken,
Hermes, 1893, p. 233.
25. (a.d. 67) Caecina Tuscus (P. I, 257).
Suetonius, Nero, 35.
26. (a.d. Sept. 68 and 69) ... Tiuerius Iulius Alexander (P.
II, 164). Inscription from Arad, C.I.Gr. 4536 / Inscrip-
tion, Bull. Corr. Hell., 1S95, P- 5-4- Inscription in
Oxford, C.I.L. vi, 294. Pseudo-Aristoteles, -c/j< Koa/^iou,
beginning of the preface. Suetonius, Vespasianus, 6.
Tacitus, Annal, 15, 28, and Hist., II, 74. Josephus, Antiq.
Lud., 20, 5, 2 ; Bell. Lud., 2, 1 1, 6 ; 2, 15, i ; 4, 10, 6 ; 5,
I, 63 5, 5, 3; 5, 12, 2 : 6, 4, 3.
377 2 G 2
Dbc. 12] HOCIETV OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1900.
27. (a. D. 70 and 71) Tiberius Iulius Lupus (P. II,
199). Inscription at Thebes, C.I.L. Ill, 31. ? Kaibel,
In scr. grace. Sic. cf. lia/., n. 2431, 2 (either this Lupus or
M. Riiti/ius Lupus, n. 38).
2S. (About A.I). 71) Valerius Paueinus (P. Ill, 373).
Tacitus, Hist., 3, 43.
29. (a.d. 82 Febr.) Gaius Tettius(?) Africanus (P.
Ill, 308). Inscription from Assisi, C.I.L. XI, 5382. This,
second inscription gives only his cogjiomeii. His nomen
read Tettius by Mommsen, but Lelius by Renier {Oeuvres
de Boj-ghesi, vol. VII, p. 58) only appears in an inscription
on the Memnon colossus. (See the fac-simile in Lepsius,
Denkmaeler, Abth, "\T, pi. loi, n. 28).
30. (a.d.) 83 June) Lucius Laberius Maximus (P.
II, 257). MiUtary diploma, C.I.L. Ill, p. 1962. Josephus,
Bell. lud., 7, 6, 6. Inscription from Rome, C.I.L. VI,
2059.
30. (a.d. S6-Febr. 88) ... Gaius Septiiniius Vegetus (P.
Ill, 216). Oxyrhynichus papy7'i\\ n. 273.
31. (a.d. Oct. 89-May 90) ... Marcus Mettius Rufus (P. II,
374). Oxyrhynchus papyri II, n. 237 (columns iv and
viii) and n. 247. Inscription from Aries, C.I.L. XII, 671.
See also C.I.Gr. 4279 and 4280.
32. (a.d. iSIarch 95) ... ... Titus Petronius Secundus (P.
III, 29). Dio Cassius, 67, 15. 2. Eutropius, 8, i. Orosius,
7, II. Victor,.^//., 12, 8. Was in i)G pracfcct7is praetorio,
and killed the emperor Domitian.
33. (a.d. 98-Febr. 99 ... Gaius Pompeius Planta (P. Ill,
70). Inscription Lebas — Waddington, n. 1225. Schol. in
luvenalem, 2, 99.
34. (a.d. Aug. 103-Feb. 104) Gaius Vibius Maximus (P. Ill,
423). Bilinguar milestone from Nubia, published by me.
Coinptes-Rendus Acad. Inscr., 1900, p. 78. Statius, Silv.,
4 praef. and 4, 7. Martial, 1, 7. Pliny, Episf., 3, 2.
Military diploma, C.I.L. Ill, p. S59.
35. (a.d. 105) Gaius Minicius Italus (P. Ill,
377). Grenfell, Fayum towns, p. 305, n. 251.
378
Dec. 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
36. (a.d. 105/6) ... ... DroscuRUS. Inscription, Kaibel
n. 2421, I (perhaps not a praefect).
37. (a.d. ^lay log) ... ... Gaius Sulpicius SniiLis (Greek
2//((ov) (P. Ill, 289). Dio Cassius, 69, 19. Excerpta de
virtiitilms. Xiphilinus. Zonaras, 11, 24. Excerpta de
senteittiis. Ulpianus, fragiii. Vat., 233. Vita Hadriani, 9,
3-5. Excerpta Salmasiana {Eragin. hist. Gr. iv, 581).
Cedrenus I, 438. SchoL ad Persiiuii, 2, i. Unpublished
Vienna Papyrus (year 13 of Trajan). Two inscriptions
from Rome very Hkely refer to him, C.I.L. VI, 259 and
31S65.
38. (a.d. 115-117 Jan.) ... Marcus Rutilius Lupus (P. Ill,
149). See C.I.Gr. 4843 and Reinach, Re7\ des etudes juives,
27 (1893), p. 72. Grenfel], Fayiiin totons, p. 311, n. 322.
[39. (a.d. 117) ... ... QuiNTus jVIarcius Turbo Fronto
PuBLicius Severus (P. II, 339). Inscriptions C.I.L. Ill,
1462, and XIV, 4243. Vita Hadriani., 4-9 and 15.
Eusebius, Hist, ecc/., 4, 2. Fronto, ad Anioninutii pium, 3,
165. Perhaps mentioned in C.I.L. VI, 1941.]
40. (a.d. 118 April ... ... QuixTus Rammius Martialis
(P. Ill, 125). Inscription from Bubastis, Buii. soc. arch.
Alexandrie, 1898, p. 45. Inscriptions from Rome, C.I.L.
VI, 221 and 222. Also mentioned C.I.L. IX, 5667.
41. (a.d. Febr. 121-April 124) Titus Haterius Nepos (P. II,
127). Inscription, C.I.L. XI, 5213.
42. (a.d. Mar. 126-Aug. 131) Titus Flavius Titianus (P. II,
77). Oxyrhynckus papyri \\, n. 237, col. vii.
43. (a.d. Nov. 133-Feb. 135) Marcus Petronius Mamertinus
(P. Ill, 28). Oxyrhynchus papyri II, n. 237, col. viii.
Inscriptions, C.I.L. VI, 977 and 1009. Inscriptions, Bulkt-
tino Co7nunale, 1885, p. 151, n. 1077, and p. 153, n. 1078;
ibid. 1886, p. 98, n. 1139. Fronto, Ad amic, r, 10, p. 180
(ed. Naber). Grenfell, Fayiim towns, p. 123, n. 21.
44. (a.d. 137-139) ... ... Valerius Eudaemon (P. II, 41).
Oxyrhynchus papyri II, r\. 237, col. viii, Vita Hadriani,
15, 3. ^I. Anton, 8, 25. Inscriptions, Bull. corr. hell., iii,
257 (now at Alexandria), and C.I.L. Ill, 431. Berlin,
griech. Urk., n. 733. Cattaui Papyrus, IV.
379
Dec. 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILliOLOGV. [1900.
45. (a.d. March 139-143) ... CIaius Aviijius Heliodorus (P.
I, 187). Dio Cassius, 69, 3 and 71, 22. Vita Hadriani,
15, 5 and 16, 10. Vita Avidii Cassii, i. Aristides, oraf.y
26 (ed. Dindorf I, p. 524). Grenfell, Fayum toivns, p. 257,
n. 106.
46. (a.]). 145-147) ... ... Lucius Valerius Proculus (P.
Ill, 375). Oxyrliynchus papyri II, p. 208. Inscriptions,
C.I.L. II, 197 1 ; VI, T002 ; XIV, 2957. Berlin, grieck.
Urk., n. 378 (?).
47. (a.d. 148) ... ... Marcus Petronius Honoratus
(P. Ill, 27). Inscription from Rome, C.I.L. VI, 1625.
See Mr. Offord's article, (irenfell, Fayiim fozinis, p. 300,
n. 203.
48. (a.d. 151) Lucius Munatius Felix (P. II,
58 and 389). Osyrliynchus papyri W, n. 237, col. viii.
49. (a.d. Aug. 154-Oct. 158) Marcus Sempronius Liberalis
(P. Ill, 196). Berlin. griecJi. Urk., n. 780. See Ephem,
cpigr. vii, 458. Grenfell, Fayum toivns, p. 131, n. 24,
50. (About A.D. 159-Nov. 161) Lucius Volusius Maecianus
(P. Ill, 481). Geneva papyrus, n. 35. Inscription C.I.L.
XIV, 250. Vita Afarci 2,, (^- ^^ronto, ad Ma?runi Caesarem,
4, 2 (ed. Naber, p. 61), Marcus Aurelius, ch- lainor, i, 6.
Vita Fii, 12, i. Digest, passi/n (see \^t\\t\, pa/ifig. inr. civ,
I. 575)-
51. (About a.d. 161) ... PosTU.MUs, Berlin, grieck. Urk..,
n. 388.
52. (a.d. 162/3) ••• ••• INIarcus Annius Surlvcus.
Oxyr/iynchus papyri II, n. 237, col. ix, p. 151.
53. (a.d. 164-May 166) ... Titus Flavius Titianus (P. II,
77). Inscription C.I. Gr. 4831^ (see p. 1215). Lucian
De Hist, conscr., 21. Inscription from Ephesus : \\'ood,
Discoveries at Ephesiis. Inscr. from ike great theatre, w. 10,
p. 56. (Could be referred also to n. 42.)
54. (About A.D. 167) ... Marcus Bassaeus Rufus (P. I,
230). Inscriptions C.I.L. Ill, 517 1, and IX, 2438. Dio
Cassius, 71, 5. Philostratus, Vitae Sophist, 2, i, 28. See
fragni. J^atic., V, p. 206 (ed. Dindorf) and Vita A: idii Cassii,
13. ^•
380
Dec. 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
55. (a.d. 174-Oct. 175). ... Gaius Calvisius Statianus (P. I,
294). Inscription from Verona, C.I.L. V, 3336.
56. (About A.D. 176-180) ... Titus (?) Pactumeius Magnus
(P. Ill, 5). Berlin Papyrus B.G.U. 823, 1. i. Grenfell,
Fay{im towns, p. 207, n. 159.
57. (a.d. iSi) ... ... Flavius Priscus.
58. (a.d. Nov. 82) ... ... Flavius Sulpicius Similis.
Oxyrhynchus papyri II, n. 237, col. iv, vi, viii. See Mr.
Offord's article. Professor Grenfell doubts whether n. 58
is another man than n. 37.
59. (a.d. July, 184) ... RiNUS. Unpublished Greek
inscription from Sakha (Xois), copied in 1883 by Professor
Petrie (now in Gizeh Museum : copied by Milne and
Jouguet).
60. (a.d. May-Sept., 185) ... Titus Longaeus Rufus. Oxy-
r/iytichiis papyri II, n. 237. Berlin, griech. Urk., n. 807.
Latin inscr. from Alexandria (Meyer, Heerwesen, p. 228 =
C.I.L. Ill, 14137). See Mr. Offord's article.
61. (a.d. Jan. -July, 186) ... Pomponius Faustianus. Oxy-
rhynchus papyri II, n. 237. See Mr. Offord's article.
62. (About a.d. 189 Marcus Aurelius Papirius
DiONvsius (P. I, 212). Inscriptions C.I. Gr. 5895 (=Kaibel,
1072), and C.I.L. X, 6662. Another published by Lanc-
kordnski, Stadte Pamphyliens und Pisidiens II, 228, n. 207.
See also Aelianus {Fragni. 86, ed. Hercher) quoted by
Suidas sitl> verbo t\oic6j>)]<JC.
63. (a.d. iSIar. 193-Apr. 194) Lucius Mantennius Sarinus
(P. II, 331). Inscription C.I.L. XIV, 2955.
64. (a.d. 194-Feb. 196) ... Marcus Ulpius Primianus
(P. Ill, 462).
65. (a.d. July, 197-200.^) ... Aemilius Saturninus (P. I, 36).
Dio Cassius, 75, 14 Inscription C.I. Gr. 4701/' (?).
66. (a.d. 201/2) Maecius Laetus (P. II, 319).
Dio Cassius, 75, 9 and 77, 5. Inscriptions C.I L. VI, 228,
1987, 2130, 3002; VIII, 5505; IX, 1609 and 4972; HI,
1063 and 5185; XIV, 122. Codex lustin, passim. Fasti
consul ares ad. annum 215.
6/. (a.d. 202-Oct. 207) ... SUHATIANUS AqUILA (P. Ill, 276).
381
Dec. 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCIL-EOLOGY. [1900.
68. (a.h March, 211) Inscription [jublished
by Sayce, Rev. des etudes gr.^ VII (1S94), p. 299.
69. (a.d. March, 215) ... Septimius Hkraclitus >P. II,
135, and III, 209). See inscription, C.I.L. Ill, 7S1.
70. (a.d. June, 216-Feb. 217) Valerius Datus (P. Ill, 356).
Dio Cassiu.s, 78, 15.
71. (a.d. 218) Basilianus (P. I, 229).
72. (a.d. Aug. 219-220) ... Geminius Chrestus (P. I, 343,
Zosimus I, II. Dio Ca.ssius, 80, 2. Zonaras, 12, 15.
73. (a.d. Ian. 222) ... ... Lucius Do-Mitius Honoratus
(P. II, 22, 146, and III, 501). Inscriptions C.I.L. ix, 338,
and vi, 3839 (to be joined on to 3861). Botti Mus. A/ex.,
p. 156, n. 2496. Oxyrhynchus papyri \, p. 121. (This last
document wrongly dated 165 by Professor Milne and 242
by Professor Grenfell.) Professor Dessau is far from
certain, C.I.L. VI, 3839 really refers to our \Honor\atus.
74. (a.d. 223) ... ... Marcus Aedinius Iulianus (P.
I, 11). Inscriptions, C.I.L. IX, 338, and XIII, 3162. He
is also the [A]«r(i'/ov \nv\uwo<i of the Oxyrhynchus papyri \, n.
35, whose name had not yet been restored there by any
worker on the matter.
75. (a.d. 232) ... ... MeVIUS HONORAllANUS (P. II,
374). Berlin papyrus Parthey nieni. deW iiist. 2, 451. Paris
papyrus n. 69, col. Ill, line 14. Had nothing to do with
the Honoratus of an Alexandrian inscription quoted supra
ad. n, 73. His name is always Honoratiaiius, as very
acutely remarked by Prof. Jouguet, Compfes. rendus de
PAcad. des J user., 1 900, p. 2 11 .
76. (a.d. ) ... ... PuuLius Maenius Flavianus (P.
II, 321). The reading of the name is very doubtful, and
Letronne's conjecture that he lived under Commodus rests
on no solid basis whatever. He appears to have lived in the
third century, but we cannot yet date him to a certainty.*
For the later praefects I have very little to add to Prof. Milne's
references. Besides, they rarely occur on the published papyri
" I do not know what evidence Bolti has for ijuoting in the year 148 a certain
Aeinilius Diiian/tus s.'i \)xii.t{GC\. n{ Y^gyy>\.. I suppose lie found ihe iO(;iioiiien in
Malala 1. xi (ed. Bonn, p. 280), who is a very unreliable .authority (see P. II, 13,
s.v. Dinarchus), and the iioiiiiii in C.I.L. VIII, 2730 and 4228 (=^ P. I, 33).
382
Dec. 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
and inscriptions, and are mostly known from classical sources. I
have therefore esteemed it (]uite useless to give the continuation of
this list.
Having been obliged to write this article in less than a week, I
have had too little time to control all the classical references I give.
I venture to hope, however, few^ may eventually prove to be
incorrect. Professor Dessau has kindly read through the proof
sheets of the present article He advises me to strike out n. 36
{Dioscums ; see Milne, History, p. 182.'/), and suggests I should not
omit vice-praefects such as the Gains Caecilius Salvianus of the
Berlin papyri. He also calls my attention to a Philae inscription
(Lepsius, Deiikiii, Abth. VI, pi. S3, n. 206) mentioning a Gains
Iidiiis Secundinus twice (?) praefectus Aegypti. . However, this last
text appears to me to be only that of a beneficiarius Praefccti of the
time of Tiberius.
As I am now preparing an exhaustive work on the (Jreek and
Latin inscriptions from Egypt, any information readers of the
Proceedings may be able to give me would be acknowledged with
gratitude, and of course printed under the informant's name.
SEYMOUR DE RICCI.
30, Avenue Henri Martin,
Paris.
N.B. — I include as inscriptions every written or stamped text not
on coins or papyri^ that is to say, all ostraka, mummy-tablets,
texts on cloth, seals, weights, amphora-handles, and small gralifiti :
a corpus inscriptionuni must be as exhaustive as possible.
iH
Dec. 12] SOCIETV OF UIllLICAL ARCILKOLOGV. [19CO.
NOTES.
Cher Monsieur,
En feuilletant le dernier nuniero (May, 1 goo) des Proceedhrgs,
j'y rencontre a. la page 162 d'une note de M. Griffith, relative a
ITex^e = \r/(e<7/<, les paroles suivantes :
" Professor Erman has drawn attention recently to a name
IleT^e, which the great Coptic monk Shenute says was the
equivalent of Kf>oi'u<.; A.Z., 95, 47. Zoega, p. 758. This name
has hitherto baffled interpretation."
Les paroles citees ne s'accordent pas entierement avec la verite :
1° d'abord puisque ce n'est point Erman qui ait attire Tattention
des egyptologues sur cette matiere, qui se voit deja traitee dans
Peyron \^Lexicoii, p. 172], d'ou Erman a simplement tire sa mention
sans citer sa source premiere.
-z" i^uis, comme j'ai moi-meme \_Sphijix, I, page 197] essaye
d'interpreter le vocable riex^e. Cette interpretation part du fait
connu que " I'egyptien des basses epoques emploie souvent un mot
(1 c=^> 1 c^ui precede de I'article masculin A^ pourrait peut-
etre fournir I'equivalent du mot ITeT'^e. Le groupe ateb se
rencontre frequemment en parallelisme avec d'autres designations
de la terre — domaine exclusif de Keb — ce qui rend le rapproche-
ment propose vraisemblable.
II est curieux de noter qu'un des surnoms dudieun(S:3 ^ la
forme (|ue voici : i j f I <r-=^ 1 ; ce qui. ])uis(|ue Schou se
trouve au-dessus de Keb, pourrait possiblement meriler d'etre releve
a cette occasion." — Dans ces termes, je me suis exprime en 1896.
Reflexion faite, je me suis dit qu'il y a un mot egyptien qui, mieux
que [I <r-'='^ J , rcmplit les conditions necessaires, dans ce cas.
384
Dec. 12] ' PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
C'est le groupe ] ci j^ qui s'emploie en guise d'un veritable
synonyme du mot ^si=f "terre," comme dans " -'^ |
c^ '" '^ y)u)--^ "qui s'empare de la terre, les neuf peuples d'arc
etant reunis sous ses sandales, ou dans ^ f^^ m 1 iT Vfl\ T '''
" Celui dent les rayons eclairent la terre," etc.
En admettant la possibilite d'une equivalence Ile'X^e= 'T' ^ J
nethe, il est evident que je presume que le p du premier est fautif
pour 71, erreur qui ne manquerait certainement pas d'analogies
dans les textes coptes.
Au meme numero des Proceedings [p. 166], M. P. Newberry
a cite des exemples a propos du titre „ \ ) ^ 1^ ^
U <=i I ^' _ff^ <r=> Q£^
Mv/|. Ces memes exemples ont ete cites par moi-meme dans
la meme intention, a un article de la Zeifschri/l {\^^^, p. 58, 59),
article qui aurait done du etre cite aux Proceedings du Mai de celte
annee.
Votre bien devoue,
Prof. KARL PIEHL.
SiGTUNA, le 2 Aout 1 900.
* DE ROCHEMONTEIX, EdfoU, I, p. 274.
t DuMiCHEN, Tempel-Iiisc/ir., I, xxxiv, 7.
385
Dec 12]
SOCIETY OF l^IBLICAL AKCH.EOLOGY,
[1900.
MR. WARD'S COLLECTION OF SCARABS
{continued from p. 320).
the urreiis crowned, which read ^^^^ y /] [ T, "■ The good
god the strong bull, Thothnies" The stoni>is beautifully cut,
the beetle's legs being pierced through. ''The Strong lliiU"
is the Horns title of the king.
233. THOTHMES L The '^golden Hawk" name or title is on
this scarab. The cartouche f O | ^ U | Ra • aa • Kheper •
Ka, witli the addition of | T I | | ] w/^r nefer, nefer
renpt, "Good god, good of years." The engraving is
good.
399. THOTHMES L The name
is peculiarly spelt by m-\ ape
and the symbol of birth,
and underneath (J ''^:3L
Amen mer, " beloved of
Anient This king did
much building at Karnak,
and erected one of the
great obelisks. Records of
his works are found at
Assuan and far up the Nile.
His mummy is preserved
il^the Cairo Museum. He
was father of the great Queen Hatasu, who for reasons of
state was married to her half-brother. King Thothmes H.
241. TH0TH:\IES n (1516-1505 r..c.). The scarabs of this
king are rare. This one has his cartouche with throne
name A a • Khkper • kn • Ra ( O ->-=> ^ ^-v/wv 1. A hawk with
extended wings is above the cartouche, and the usckht collar
below.
362. THOTHMES H. This scarab bears lull titles 1 \^ -^^37 ^^
" king of Upper and Lower Egypt, Lord of the two lands"
with the cartouche f O | ^ '■^^^ | Aa • Kheper • en • Ra. It
~386
MUMMY OF TAIIUTMES I.
Dec. 12]
PROCEEDINGS.
[1900.
THOTHMES II.
is a jjietty device and well cut, but has lost its green
colour.
The mummy of Thothmes II is in the Cairo Museum. He
was a son of Thothmes I by an inferior wife. His half-sister
^^_,. Hatasu, was the daughter of
[' ^g^iSKBBKMt^^^ ' ^^^ great royal queen Aahmes,
and she was married to her
young half-brother to give him
I full title to the throne. Thoth-
: MES II seems to have been
delicate, and did not live long,
and Hatasu guided the kingdom
! during his life, and was regent
I for his son Thothmes III, who
; came to the throne when a child.
i Thothmes III was also a child
— J by an inferior wife, and he had
to be married to his step-mother's
daughter (another Hatasu) in order to hold the throne legiti-
mately.
Everything proceeding from the remarkable princess, Queen
Hatasu, is in good taste, and proves her to have been a gifted
and able ruler of a cultivated people. The celebrated Terrace
Temple of Deir el Bahri,
Thebes, is the most elegant
specimen of architecture in
Egypt, and shows what we
would term pure Grecian taste,
and in the severe Doric style.
But it was built more than
1000 years before the best
Greek temples, and when
Pericles raised the Parthenon,
he knew not of the earlier
masterpiece. It was lost to
the world for 2000 years, and
has only been recently ex-
cavated from the ruins of mud brick buildings which entombed it,
and at the same time preserved it for our generation. The three
387
QUEEN HATASU,
Dhx. i:;]
SOCIETY OF i;iBLICAL ARCH.KOLOGY.
[1900.
• JUEEN AAHMES.
(.Mother of Queen Hatasu.)
beautiful volumes of the E^^ptiin Exploration Fund, which
illustrate it, are well worthy of study. Even the Scarabs of
this wonderful lady are con-
spicuous by their excellence.
Her exquisite temple was
built to immortalize her
mother, Queen Aahmes, and
her own scientific exjjeditions
to foreign lands. It may
also have been intended for
her own mortuary chapel.
The mummy of Queen
Hatasu has never been
found, and her tomb may
still exist, entombed in the
rock behind or beneath the
temple, to be discovered some day.
330. QUEEN HATSHEPSU (or Hatasu, the best known
name) (1516-14S1 };.c.), XVIHth Dynasty. This is
perhaps an amulet. For some unknown reason, the
engraving is the same, or intended to be so, on each side,
''Joined to Amen."
234. Is a " Ren " amulet, and bears this queen's favourite name,
1 T neter nefer, ''good" or ''heautifuL" fo ^ l/J , .MA AT
KA RA. The goddess of truth, Maat, she seems to have
regarded as her patron saint and taken her name from,
rhis scarab is well engraved, has its ancient green colour,
and bears on the back the sacred eye " Uzat" carved in
bold relief.
217. Contains signs intended for Queen Hatasu's prenomen
0=^:s>^3
Amkn - Khxem Hat Shepswt,
O
Well cut, but colour gone.
=.,G^U(1
r*^"^ O
437. Has Makara's fuller titles, 0\f,[ itj^ ^^^tJlJ, -^^ry
Amen Ra. .MAAT KA RA, '' beloved of Amen;' beautifully
cut, but has lost its green colour.
3S8
Dec. 12]
PROCEEDINGS.
1 9CO.
376. Another well-cut scarab of the great queen, e \|] | j (1 "^^ ^""^^-^j
Maat Ka Ra tyt n Amen. " Truf/i the Ka of Ra, Symbol of
Amen," with its original green tint.
404. Is however the best of this lad/s, good enough to have been
her own signet. It is a beautiful blue-green colour, is
well cut, and as fresh as when made. It bears simply
( © 1^ U 1 , Ra • ma • ka, or 'Six ■ ka • ka, her favourite
name. The little figure of truth bears the signific feather
on her head. The beetle's form is good, and the legs are
pierced through.
This interesting example of a great royal princess ruled with
Thothmes II for thirteen years, and with Thothmes III for upwards
upwards of twenty years. She spent her
time in peaceful cultivation of the arts and
commerce. When she left the scene,
THOTHMES III (i 502-1449 b.c), the
greatest of Eg}^tian conquerors, carried
Eg)-pt'"s sway into Asia and Eiurope, and
then built great temples all over Egjpt,
erecting obelisks nearly equal to Hatasu's.
Those of London, New York, Rome,
Constantinople, are of his work. He left
more traces of his great building in Eg}-pt
fl '" '^»* than any other king. He posed as a great
1^ " -# ^^ pillar of the church, and in fact called
himself Defender of the Faith. Being thus
popular ^vith the priests, his name became
a watchword of religious supremacy, and
so remained for many generations. This
is possibly the cause of the scarabs with
the name of Thothmes III being so
plentifiiL I have seen quite a thousand of
his, a/I different, in various collections.
They seem to be t)-pical of a great outburst of rehgious zeal,
though many, if we understood them, may possibly commemorate
historical events. Some of them were made after Thothmes Ill's
time, no doubt. But as the very latest of these scarabs is at least
3^9
COUKSAL GRAXITE HEAD
OF THOTHMES III.
{^British Museum.)
Dec. 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1900.
3000 years old, they are still very venerable objects. No doubt,
after the time of the great king whose name they bear, they were
regarded as a sort of talisman bearing a name that remained a
watchword of religious fervour, for a thousand years after his
death.
395. THOTHMES III. A beautiful little scarab, retaining its
green glaze. [I ^\,^_c, Amen tyt, symbol of Amen, and
1 A/V\AAA
rtouche fo tl^ g j INIkn Kheper R.\.
426. Cowroid form | T Jieter ;/(?/tV' /© diiii^ g J Men Kheper Ra,
the name which he mostly used.
26. The cartouche of Thothmes III as above, adored by one of
"the souls of Nekhen " (Elkab), one of the spirits of the
South. Crocodile below.
425. Has the " uzat " or sacred eye in relief on the back, and car-
touche of Thothmes III as above, very finely cut.
104. The back of this scarab is peculiar. The wings are extended
from a small beetle in the centre. On the face a sphinx,
couchant, with two plumes. Over its back a winged ur^eus
adoring the cartouche of Thothmes III.
427. A finely cut scarab with bearded sphinx. In front of it
j T neter nefer, '•' Good God," and prenomen of 'I'hothmes
III over all.
265. MEN KHEPER RA, with /> — . ^^-^ q ''chosen of Ra" and
""^cr. added.
50. Cartouche of Thothmes III, water plants (typical of union of
North and South Eg)pt) at the sides.
286. Cartouche of Thothmes III, rude work.
378. Peculiar arrangement of title on a band, and added symbols.
390
Dec. 12] PROCEEDINGS. [1900.
PLATE III.
This plate is entirely occupied by scarabs of Thothmes III.
They exhibit extraordinary variety in design, no two being alike.
310. A very peculiar scarab. On the back a sunken cartouche
with [ o i"^^^^ ^1 surmounted with double plumes. On the
front, same cartouche and H I "T" neter nefer ankh, " //le
good God lives r
328. Thothmes III, is a curious scarab with the king's name written
in sportive hieroglyphics, which read, "Thothme.s, Ra men
khepet; sa at.''' It retains its green colour.
161. Has devices in scroll work signifying union, with the royal
cartouche of Thothmes between them.
505. Hawk with ■"■^^3L | | | " nir ncteru, beloved of tlic gods,'' and
the usual royal cartouche f O t^f:^ ^ I.
447. Is a flat bead, well cut on both sides. Front, THOTHMES
standing, royal cartouche and "Amen Ra." Back, four urrei
as a quatrefoil.
100. On one side inscription to Amen Ra, on the other the king's
cartouche with the /v? sign, which is unusual ( O i"""'i M U |.
94. "Uzat," sacred eye, with two cartouches of Thothmes III.
12. The royal cartouche ( O i^^^-^ ^ | l)etween urreus supporters
239. Cartouche of THOTHMES III, with crown of double plumes,
and ureei on either side.
174. o 1*^^^ ^ ^v — ^ ^^wwv o Men Kheper Ra Sotep en Ra, "chosen
of Ra," Thothmes III.
176. Maat the goddess of truth and the royal cartouche ^
hotep hr maat, " rcsti/ig in truth."
EL /f r\
417. Royal cartouche with Q ^^ f^ ]\Ien Kheper ra kha m
Uast, " resplendent in Thebes^ Fine work, in its original
green colour.
391 2 H
Dec. 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII.EOLOGY. [1900.
95. Royal cartouche with a beaded border.
240. foCi^mU' j "vl^ ^^e^ Khcpcr ra ka, neb, 'rhothmcs,
' ' lord. "
112. Cartouche of the king between two feathers, winged disc
above.
101. " Ren " shaped bead, ox one side, | T the good lord Thothmes
on the other side, [1 "'==:r_ Mer ,\.men, beloved of Amen
479. Rectangular bead, glazed steatite, colour gone. Horses were in-
troduced into Egypt, it is believed, by Thothmes III. Here
we have one of the earliest Egyptian equestrian scenes. Not
badly done either. The scene is represented in intaglio, and
the king, on horse back, is wielding a mace and bow. A pros-
trate Syrian, bound, under the horse's feel, with T symbol,
probably the animal's name, " the beautiful one." On the
other side, in relief, are the figures of Bast and Nefertum,
with the cartouche of Thothmes HI between.
108. Sphinx treading enemy under foot, cartouche. Men Kheper Ra,
with symbol | " to reignT
308. Blue glazed steatite "Ren"' amulet, "Lordof Sebek Ra. lord of
Swn"; on the other side, "Thothmes, founder of houses."
Crocodiles engraved on the edges.
74. Green scarab, mounted in its original blue ring. Hawk,
crown of Lower Egypt before, uroeus in front, below v_^.
23. I'lat rectangular bead, cartouche of Thothmes HI between
r\ Ml 1 1 1 1
feathers of truth, on other side [J O I ^^ZIP Amen I\a,
1 AAAA'VN
lord.
61. Cowroid, bright blue-green. Cartouche of Thothmes III,
on left ■"'^^^cH beloved of Amen : on right, Neter nefer
neb tawi. Good God, lord of the two lands.
122. Winged genii and cartouche of Thothmes III, surmounted by
two feathers, '^:iZ7 below.
392
Dec. 12]
PROCEEDINGS.
[1900.
34. Cartouche of Thothmes III, papyrus sceptre on each side,
pottery.
493. Cartouche of Thothmes, with ka and neb signs.
69. On back a large winged scarab, same as on No. 104, Plate II.
On the front the god Bes between two cartouches of
Thothmes III.
381. On back eight urcei symmetrically arranged, cf. Nos. 412, 497 ;
fine work ; steatite. On front cartouche of Thothmes III
between nrcci^ Y " sam " sign between.
43. Coarse green pottery. Back in form of a negro head. Front
with cartouche of Thothmes III between feathers.
PLATE IV.
THOTHMES III reigned fifty-four years. In his old age his
son AMENHOTEP II ruled jointly with him. This co-regency
is commemorated by the scarab, No. 501.
501.
375.
Obverse. THOTHMES HI, crowned, standing, wielding
the scourge — his royal cartouche in front. Reverse —
0
a
I I prenomen of Amenhotep II, "great are
the forms of Ra," between the two feathers of truth (Maat).
AMENHOTEP II [1449-
1423 B.C.], seated on his throne
in the sacred boat of Mentu,
holding the scourge and haq
sceptre ; the figure-heads at
prow and stern, hawk-headed,
Mentu, crowned with his two
feathers. The royal cartouche
is displayed before the king.
This scarab is well cut. (From
Thebes, 1899.) This king
came to the throne in youth,
and there is a sculpture re-
presenting him seated on his
nurse's knee, with his
royal titles, as on the
scarabs, correctly shown over
the boy's head.
393
AMENHOTEP II AND HIS
NURSE.
Dec. 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGV. [1900.
470. A flat bead that has been worn as a ring. Amenhotep II
seated on throne; before him | T "^ good god " above his
cartouche. Jievcne, a sphinx, walking, with the same
cartouche. Behind " lord of hvo lauds." On the
edges are engraved hawk-headed men, crowned with plumes.
499. Green scarab, well cut. T Jon couchant, o above, cartouche
of Amenhotep II (o <'■==" ^IIM on each side royal
emblems.
80. Winged solar disc guarding cartouche of Amenhotkp II.
Below, Mer Amen, "beloved ofAmeji,'" and papyrus sceptre.
67. Well cut, elaborate work. Cartouche of Amenhotep II.
Below v ^ ^ I vN (I '■'■ Lord of Splendour, in t/ie
house of Amen.''
414. Back uzat, sacred eye, in open-work. Inscribed, around
cartouche of Amenhotep II, " The good god, Joi-d of two
lands" and T repeated.
,400. Cartouche of Amenhotep II between feathers of Maat. truth,
good work.
478 resembles No. So, but better cut, " Beloved of Auieu Ra," and
cartouche.
9. AMENHOTEP II, enthroned in sacred boat. Urai on either
side ; his cartouche before him. He holds //^r^/ sceptre, with
other emblems.
236. Fine work. Sacred Eye. Ohv. Amcnhotep's cartouche on a
reti panel ; green colour perfect.
235. AMENHOTEP TI ( O ^-=> ^ ■?- 1 T ^37 ZZI ] , Ankh
neter nefer ila • Kheperu • Ra, neb tawi {^'' Live the good god,
lord of the two lands, Amenhotep."
481.
Couchant sphinx; on back | T. Below the royal cartouche
of AMENHOTEP II, and beside it, -cx.fl'^^^^ {''Moved
1 /\AAA/W
of Amen ").
394
Dec. 12]
PROCEEDINGS.
:i96G.
242 is still mounted in the original bronze ring. Royal cartouche
of A^iENHOTEP II, with winged disc above, beneath
301 possesses the cartouche of the great Thothmes III on one
side, guarded by
a sphinx, passant,
with I T. On the
other side, the
cartouche of
Thothmes IV
(grandson of the
great religious
warrior) calls him-
'' son of Ameu,"
and exhibits his
own cartouche.
THOTH.MES IV.
Ot^^
But he relies on the powerful name of his great ancestor.
THOTHMES IV did not reign long (1423-1414 B.C.), and
his scarabs are rare. His portrait, shows him as quite young.
He records on a fine granite stele (between the paws of the great
Sphinx) that he restored that ancient monument (the event may
be recorded on these scarabs), and which he says he did to the glory
of his ancestors.
64 has a finely engraved sphinx (facing the royal cartouche of
THOTHMES R'), and having the diadem and beard which
the great figure formerly possessed. Over the back a
winged iirceus adores the sphinx. Underneath ^'':^^7 neb,
the symbol of sovereignty.
451 is a finely cut green scarab. The cartouche of
THOTHMES IV ; below the ft, sign of power, strength,
between supporters of iircei, the royal insignia.
395
Dec. 12]
SOCIETY OF BiHLiCAL ARCII.KOLOGY.
[1906.
i; KAN in: head (.)k
AMKNIIOTEI' III.
( Ih -itiili J III sat II I . )
Amenhotep III, son of Thothmes III, redeemed tlie brief rei.cin
and shortcomings of his father.
AMENHOTEP III had a Ion-
reign ( 1 414-1379 B.C.) and left his
mark on the country, although his
splendid temple at Thebes was ruth-
lessly torn down by Meneptah, the
Pharaoh of the Exodus, and his
records cliiselled out (to substitute
his own worthless ones) by that un-
scrupulous king of two centuries
later. But the giants which guarded
the gates of Amenhotep's temple
still remain, the colossi of Thebes,
seated portraits of Amenhotep, 80 feet
high. Although sadly ruined, they
remain to-day still wonders of the
ancient world.
296. AMENHOTEP III espoused a great Asiatic princess, of
which union he was proud. She was accorded an equal
position with himself, and given a
royal cartouche of her own. This scarab
testifies to this fact, for it bears
Amexhotep's cartouche f O ^ ^-—^ |
iieb maat ra, " Lord of tJic truth of
A'(/," on one side, and on the other his
Seten hmt Tyi, " ///6' royal wife Tyi."
This scarab is well cut, and contains
tl)e original l)lue enamel in the
cliaracters.
243. T\i has here all tlie scarab to herself, with the inscription,
" The Royal wife Tyi,'" but in better engraving, though
exposure has taken away its original green colour.
469 is a fine blue-glazed scarab, with Amenhotei)'s cartouche, and
the addition of o^'^^^^ \ \ \ ^'^^ ''^ heiiu, •'/ a/n a/no/ig
princes."
396
fr-"-"'
'f
:f 1
'i-
pi
^y
fc
s-^
(
I
(
A
^
_^
A
wife's, (.'lui^icx T\ I
Cl
New Kingdom
p/ V.
Ro/al Scarabs &c.
New Kingdom
PI. VI.
XIX Dyn. s E T V I
NEFERT ART ERY
RAMF3ES II gueen of
RAMFSES II
274
226
Royal Scarabs &c
Late Dynasties
PI VII .
111 wm
'■Wir\ \TrrU
363
Royal Scarabs &c.
Various periods
p.' VIII.
276 126
Good Wishes Mottoes &c
Dec. 12] PROCEEDINGS. [igoo.
63. A pretty little scarab with a good figure of Maat, goddes.s of
truth, and other emblems, possibly of Amenhotep III.
237 resembles the last, also Amenhotep Ill's signs.
488 is the bezil of one of the earliest known pottery rings, with the
symbols Neb Maat Ra, prenomcn of Amenhotep III.
18. Bearded sphinx, passant, guarding Amenhotep's cartouche,
with j haq sceptre behind. On reverse^ hawk of
■ ^^,, Mentu, and a growing ^tlant.
r\ 111 1 1 1 1 IP 1 n I
173. I'ish, between two •¥-. Reverse^ Men mennu,
'■'■ firm of nioiuiineiifs,'' and cartouche of Amenhotep III,
" Ra, the Lord of Truthr
Under Amenhotep III scarabs were made of larger size than
before. Some of them he employed to record his prowess in the
hunting field, and other personal matters. These are rather large
to illustrate here, but three largish ones are shown on Plate V.
PLATE V.
364 shows Queen Tvi at her lord's right hand. Her title above
her cartouche is I hemt seten, '■'■ roxal wife." Over
To - -/
Amenhotep's cartouche is | T neter neitv, ^^ good god.'''
The cartouches of this loving royal pair are side by side, on
a perfect equality.
358 is interesting, as it bears, side by side, the two cartouches of
AMENHOTEP III. The first, with his ordinary title
( O 1^ ^^Z:7 I neb maat ra, with T j above. The second
cartouche f I r-^^ [ j ] Amen hotep heq uast,
"Devoted to A>nen,
of the Son," over it.
" Devoted to A>nen, ruler of Thel^es,'' has ^^^ sa ra, ''son
397
Dec. 12]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY
[1900.
""""■^
1 and 35 are scarabs of similar style, each with a large figure of Maat,
the goddess of truth, with 3
and v_^ forming Amen-
hotep's usual cartouche.
Amenhotep III reigned 65 years,
building many temples and leaving
a great name. But his son, Amen-
hotep IV', seems to have done his
best to subvert the old religion of the !*
State. The sun worshiix the adora- R
tion of the sun's disc as the repre- L,
sentative of the one Clod, which had ^
been introduced by Tvi, had been
pubhcly adopted by her son, and
having the great queen's authority, also became very general in
his reign.
ai<iii:naikn.
(amenhotep IV.)
{From Ihc Louvre.)
AMENHO'l'EP IV (1383-1365 n.c). This young man never
seems to have approved of the polytheism which the Egyptian priests
had arrived at, and desired to return to tlie simpler belief of the
ancient empire. 13ut he met with so much opposition from the
priests of Thebes, that he built a new capital at some distance
down the river, and changed his name to akhenaten. The new
city was also named from the new Aten worship. Scarabs ceased
to be made under the new cult, so we have none to show, save
one (No. 244), whicli was found at Tell el Amarna, tlie site of
the Reformer's city, and which seems to refer to tlie Aten worship
in some way.
244 Hands reaching down from the sun, as represented in Aten
worship, but the other symbols are mysterious. It may
refer to the name of the reformer's city, as © '^v^ was part
of Akhenaten's name.
But though scarabs went out of fashion, the royal titles were
used as much as ever, and pottery rings were still made with royal
and other titles on them. After Akhenaten's death the priests of
Amen came to their own again, and showed a vindictive spirit
in destroying the city of the reformer and erasing his name
wherever possible. The few seals and rings with his name are
398
Dec. 12]
PROCEEDINGS.
[ 1 900.
nearly always found in a broken state. Dr. Petrie discovered the
site of the sun worshipper's city, and has published a most interesting
volume on it, under its modern name of Tell el Ai\tarna. I
visited the place, saw the wondrous painted floor of the palace,
and the desecrated sepulchre which once contained the poor king's
mummy and his sarcophagus, now destroyed. I could only obtain
fragments, some of which I ihustrate. The scene of Akhenaten
and his family worshipping the sun, is from one of the tombs,
where some of his relatives were buried. These, and inscriptions
AKENHATEN, HIS WIFE, AND SIX DAUGHTERS,
ADORING THE SUN's DISC.
carved on the rocky walls, alone remain to tell the city's tale,
but I picked up from the women and children of the wretched
village near, many beautiful fragments of coloured pottery orna-
ments, and some bits of sculpture. At his tomb I found morsels
of his granite cofifin, and of his alabaster monument. The tomb
was in a lonely gorge away far from the city's site, among the
wildest desert scenery, but the situation of the town had been well
chosen, a wide plain encircled by the Nile, with fertile banks, and
capable of being irrigated easily.
399 2 I
Dec. 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY, [1900.
340. AKHENATEN, Ring, of purple glazed pottery—
Col w O I Nefer Kheperu Ra, ufi en Ra, ^^ Most
0 I II /VWWA _^
beautiful of the forjns of Ra, the utiique one of RaT
294. AKHENATEN. Green glazed pottery, similar to No. 340
as to legend.
247. AKHENATEN. Blue glazed pottery, similar to No. 340
as to legend.
246. AKHENATEN. Part of his second cartouche, the whole
/■/WNAA
being z= '^^=^c=.^X>Q ^zzH ----"///
the ?iame of Shu, ivhich is Aieu.'"
138. (Sandstone) Sculpture with the above inscription also.
485. Blue pottery amulet fragment wnth the same wording.
484. Blue pottery amulet, fragment of his other cartouche
(I M ci r [J A/^AA " his name of coming as Aten."
AKHENATEN had no son ; two of his daughters, however, lived to
sit on the throne of Egypt as royal queens, after the worship of
Amen had been re-established.
249. 1 One of these was SEMENKH • KA'RA (1365-1353 b.c.)^
295. J of whom I possess two bezils of blue glazed pottery rings.
(o-?-^lll] Ankh • KHEPERU • RA. This king married
Mert • aten, the eldest daughter. I saw her tomb in a
rock chamber of her father's, described above.
250. TUT- ANKH -AMEN (1353-1344 B.C.) reigned by right of
another daughter of Akhenaten. He returned to the
worship of Amen, and his wife's name was altered to suit
ihe old faith's nomenclature. The ring bezil was found
at Tel el Amarna, but recently, at Thebes, I obtained
400
Dec. 12]
PROCEEDINGS.
[1900.
a lovely cylinder-seal of this lady ( 4-
^u^
]
Ankh'S "EN "AMEN, which is quite perfect, and has its ancient
blue glaze intact. The decoration is made up of Q and
ornaments (Plate XVI).
371. HOREMHEB (1332-1328 b.c.) also owed his accession to
the throne through his wife, some member of Akhenaten's
family. Considering his apparently short reign, many works
HOREMHEB.
exist bearing his name, and I exhibit several scarabs and
other small things of his.
No. 37 r is a fine paste bead inlaid with green f q|_ /J ^ | Q <=i |
Zeser • Kheseru . Ra, "sacred are the forms of Ra" Setep en Ra,
" chosen of Ra," with | T above all.
370. Green glazed pottery ring, (I -""^zr. V S^ cz
Mer en Amen Horemheb, ^' beloved of Amen.'"
444. Bezil of blue pottery ring, same wording as 370.
254. Bezil of turquoise-blue ring, "Mer Amen Horemheb."
(^To be cojitijtued.)
401
^^3^
Dec. 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1900.
31, Lansdowne Road,
Clapham Road, S.W.
Jan. \st, rgoi.
Dear Mr. Rylands,
In Dr. Flinders Petrie's new work on the Royal Tombs of
the First Dynasty, published by the Egypt Exploration Fund, at
p. 37, sec. 5, he says that Seneferu was the first king with a
cartouche, but I would like to draw attention to the remarkable
oval with 1 inside it, mentioned by Prof. Sayce in the Proceedings of
this Society, vol. xxxii, p. 278. The object on which it occurs
was found at Tukh, near Nagada. This oval looks very like a
cartouche and is so called by Prof. Sayce. It is accompanied by a
curious title, and must in all probability belong to a king long
anterior to Seneferu. If this is so, the theory about the inter-
marriage of the king with the daughter of the high priest of
Heliopolis being the origin of the cartouche will have to be
modified, or its date put much further back than is at present
considered probable. Most likely this unknown king is anterior
to the first dynasty. It is a pity there is no scale or dimensions
given to Prof. Sayce's sketches.
I remain,
Yours very truly,
E. TOWRY WHYTE.
W. H. Rylands, Esq.
The Anniversary Meeting of the Society will be held at
37, Great Russell Street, Bloomsbury, W.C., on Wednesday
the 9th January, 1901, at 4.30 p.m., when the ordinary
business of the Meeting will be transacted.
^02
INDEX.
A.
Aaf, the, of the inscription of Amenemheb, are " flies," not
"helmets" ...
Aah, ^^^ ) the hieroglyph, represents a fishing net
^i^/i!;, the first month of the Hebrew Calendar
, , equivalent of the month Nisan ...
Abydos, some Ivories from
Adjective, the Relative, ""^
Ahura Mazda, probably the representative of the Vedic Varuna
Amenemheb, an officer of Thothmes III
Ankhu, vezir under Ra-ne-maa-ne-kha ; a king of the Xlllth
dynasty
Anna (Inni), "Superintendent of the works in the Necropolis-hill of
the King" ...
Antef IV, stela of, found at Karnak
Apollo Alasiotas, probably a Cypriote title for the Syrian Apollo
Ari khet ak, " Officer concerned with things entering "
Armageddon, the word ...
,, -its connection with 'T£(r£;U(7a5a»i' suggested by Canon
Cheyne
Assara Mazas, claimed by Prof. Hommel to be identical with Ahura
Mazda
Assyriennes, quelques lettres
Assyriologie, notes d'
Astronomy, ancient Indian
Ata, a cylinder of
Atri, an Indian lunar deity
,, a peisonification of the new moon
Axe, the double bladed, peculiar to Asia Minor
Vol. Pace.
. XXII.
167
. XXII.
152
. XXII.
48
. XXII.
48
. XXII.
160
XXII. 37,
321
.XXII. 80
, 81
XXII.
XXII.
94
64
... XXII.
166
... XXII.
n
... XXII.
283
... XXII.
102
XXII. 121,
165
XXII. 121
... XXII.
80
... XXII.
286
... XXII.
106
... XXII.
47
... XXII.
280
... XXII.
57
... XXII.
57
... XXII.
139
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
B.
Babylonia, Ancient, tlie Temples of
Babylonian deities, stated on a tablet to be, all, forms of the god
Merodach
,, ,, ,, ,, manifestations of
Ea
Barsanti, M., his discovery of two tombs at Dashur ...
" Benni " Fish, Arab proverb relating to
Biblical Chronology
Bissing, Fr. W. von, communication from
Bossier, A., communication from
Breasted, J. H., communications from...
Brown, R., Junr., F.S.A., communication from
Bui, the eighth month of the Jewish sacred year
Vol. Page.
XXII. 358
XXII. 282
XXII.
282
XXII.
79
XXII.
86
XXII.
10
XXII.
167
XXII.
io5
XXII. 88
,96
XXII.
67
XXII.
1.1
Camp-stool, an Egyptian
Canaanite sanctuaries, at one period used by both Jews and Cana-
anites as places of worship...
Carved Slate, another ...
Chaitra, an Indian month
Chaldeans, the wisdom of : an old Hebrew Astrological text
Cheyne, Rev. Dr., communication from
Chronology, Biblical
Circle, a Euphratean, of 360° ...
Congres International d'histoire des Religions, Report on the
Cornflower, the, in Egyptian art
Council and Officers, 1900
Crum, W. E., M.A., communication from
Cylinder from a prehistoric grave at Negada, belonging to the
Rev. Prof. Sayce
Cymbals, handle for, from Egypt
XXII. 116
XXII.
283
XXII.
270
XXII.
51
XXII.
329
XXII.
I6S
XXII.
10
XXII.
67
XXII.
281
XXII.
142
XXII.
9
XXII.
72
XXII.
280
XXII.
117
D.
Delattre, A. J., S.J., communication from
Demonstrative, the, /w/v^ and its derivatives ..
Drawings by Sir Gardner Wilkinson ...
Drill for boring stone, hieroglyph for ...
DiipSarru, "IDD (Isaiah .xxxiii, 18), a gloss on..
XXII.
286
XXII.
322
XXII.
118
XXII.
154
XXII.
166
Ebony shrine, erected by Thuti.
Egypt, Prefects of
XXII. 168
XXII. 374
INDEX.
Vol. Page.
XXII. 278
Egyptian King, a pre-dynastic, objects from the tomb of ...
El-Qasr, at Babylon, the site of the palace of Nebuchadrezzar, in
which Alexander the Great died, excavated by Dr. Koldewey... XXII. 161
Errata to "The earliest inscriptions from Chaldea " {Proceedings,
December, 1899)
Ethanim, the seventh month of the Jewish sacred year
Euphratean Circle, a, of 360'' ...
XXII.
43
XXII.
1.3
XXII.
67
F.
Figs prepared for threading on string, found by Prof. Petrie in the
tomb of King Den, of the 1st dynasty ... ... ... ... XXII. 148
Figs strung on string, represented in the tomb of Amenemhat at
Beni Hasan ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... XXII. 148
Fish, Ancient Egyptian Models of ... ... ... ... ... XXII. 163
Flies, golden, given by Thothmes III as a reward 10 Amenemheb... XXII. 94
Funeral Tablets in the Brighton Museum ... ... ... ... XXII. 272
G.
Gardiner, A. H., communications from
Gaster, Rev. Dr. M., communications from ...
Gospel, the Strassburg fragments, notes on ...
Griffith, F. LI., i\I.A., F. S.A., commimications from
... XXII. 37, 321
XXII. 226, 240, 329
XXII. 72
XXII. 162, 271
H.
Ilapu, father of Hapu-senb, a statue of
Hapu-senb, a vezir of Thothmes II, a statue of
Hastings, Major-General F. E., C.B., communication from...
Hebrew Chronology based on the history of the Kings of Judah ..
,, illuminated MSS. of the Bible, of the IXth and Xth
centuries
Hieroglyph the, T , represents a drill for boring stone
,, the V\ represents a sling ...
Hieroglyphic signs, notes on some
Hieroglyphs the, % > and =4g^
Hittite inscription, a, found at El-Qasr
Hittites, the, notes on ... ... ... ... ... ...
Hon Neferi-un-n-n-, "The servant of Neferi-unen," on a cylinder
belonging to Mr. Somers Clarke, F.S. A.
Hyksos king, a I © 1
-^
XXII.
1 48
XXII.
31
XXII.
10
XXII.
15
XXII.
226
XXII.
154
XXII.
65
XXII.
152
XXII.
65
XXII.
161
XXII.
n
XXII. 280
mentioned in the "Mathe-
matical"' Papyrus
XXII.
3 4
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
I.
Indian astronomy, ancient
Inni, the inscription of ...
,, ,, refers to the obelisks erected by Thothmes I
at Karnak...
,, the constructor of the cliff tomb of Thothmes I
Ivories from Abydos
Vol.
Pace.
XXII.
47
XXII.
90
XXII.
90
XXII.
90
XXII.
160
J-
Judah and Israel, table of the reigns of the Kings of
Karnak, ancient city-gate of, discovered by M. Legrain
,, „ ,, built by Amon-hotep II
Kh) 0> the hieroglyph, represents a sieve for winnowing corn
Kha
means a " diwan " or " office "
Kha ne aht, " Office of the fields "
Kha (ne ha) " Office of the Mayor "
Kha ne per ankh, " Office of the house of life "
Kha ne per seten, " Office of the Royal domain "
Kha ne per-tuat, " Office of the house of prayer "
Kha ne sesh ne zat, " Writing Office of the Vezir "
Kha ne seshu, " Office of providing writings "
Kha ne seten, the King's " hall of audience "
Kha ne shent, " Ofiice of the Granary "
Kha ne tete remt, " Office of providing men "
Kha ne uhem, " Office of the Registrar"
Kha nezat, the Vezir's " hall of audience " ...
Kha ur, " the great office "
Khay, Vezir under Rameses II...
Khetem, X^^ , identical with Q
Khnemhotep, the inscription of at Benihasan
Kudur, letter from, to the King of Niniveh ...
XXII. 1
[7-19
XXII.
77
XXII.
77
XXII.
153
XXII.
100
XXII.
104
XXII.
103
XXII.
105
XXII.
103
XXII.
105
XXII.
105
XXII.
104
XXII.
100
XXII.
104
XXII.
104
XXII.
103
xxir.
lOI
XXII.
los
XXII.
62
XXII.
168
XXII.
88
XXII.
290
L.
Lascelles, B. P., communication from...
Legge, F. , communications from
Library, donations to the ... XXII. I, 2.
Lieblein, Prof. J., communications from
XXII. 118
XXII. 121, 125, 270
45, 46, 123, 124, 169, 170, 276, 327
XXII. 352
Loan-word, an Assyrian, in Hebrew, on a ; and on "ItpO ..
XXII. 165
M.
" Matahu," on the meaning of XXII. 294
Megiddo, the location of, and the annals of Thutmose III ... XXII. 96
INDEX.
XXII. 46, 87, 124, 170, 328
XXII. 2,46,87,124,170,277,328
Overseer of the interior of the office
XXII. loi
Megiddo, located at el Lejjun ...
Members, deceased, notices of :
Bute, the Most Honomable the Marquis of ...
Gvvynne, Rev. R., B.A
Meadows, Rev. J. R., M.A
Pitt-Rivers, Lt.-Gen., D.C.L., F.R.S., F.S.A.
,, Election of
,, Nomination of
Mer akhenuti ne kha ne zat,
of the Vezir "
Alindidu, Assyrian word, " an official concerned with the measuring
of wheat," is rendered by "^^^Tiip in Nahum iii, 17
>i ''l'!?^' (Isaiah xxxiii., 18) a gloss on
-irpD (Zech. ix, 6) ,,
Min-hetep ; stela of, in the Brighton Museum
Min-nekht, statuette of ...
Mirror, the Charm of the, in a Hebrew Astrological manuscript
Mitanni, the language of
,, ,, Additional note on
,, in northern Mesopotamia, is the Aram-Naharaim of the
Old Testament ...
Mitannian language the, is a Caucasian language
,, ,, \}[i& declension xw
,, ,, forms of the /A/;'rt/ in
,, ,, has no genders
,, ,, \)[\& adjective m
,, ,, \h^ pronouns \\\
, , , , the verb in ...
,, ,, adverbs sxid parficlcs in
,, ,, Vocabulary ...
Months, Indian, named from stars in opposition to the sun...
Monuments, the, in the inscriptions ...
Mythological-Geographical Text, a
Vol.
Page.
XXII.
98
XXII.
275
XXII.
45
XXII.
169
XXII.
123
... XXII.
165
... XXII.
166
... XXII.
166
... XXII.
273
... XXII.
151
... XXII.
330
... XXII.
171
... XXII.
221
ne
... XXII.
171
... XXII.
213
... XXII.
176
XXII. 177,
,178
... XXII.
179
... XXII.
179
... XXII.
180
... XXII.
180
... XXII.
183
... XXII.
216
... XXII.
49
... XXII.
88
... XXII.
15s
N.
Nash, W. L., F.S.A., communications from ... ... ...XXII. 117, 161, 16;:
Nebt-Seta, wife of Min-hetep ; on a stela in the Brighton Museum XXII. 273
Nefert-ari, daughter of Sen-nefer and Sentny ...
Nefu Y ^ '51, root of the Cyperus esculenttis
*' Nekheb-khen (?) s the governor of the two lands," on a cylinder
belonging to the Rev. Prof. Sayce
Newberry, Percy E., communications from ... ...XXII.
Niffer, American excavations at
Niniveh, the King of, letter from, to Bel-ibni
Nisan, the first month of the Jewish sacred year
... XXII.
60
... XXII.
146
blinder
... XXII.
2S0
31, 59, 99, 142,
166
... XXII.
161
... XXII.
292
... XXII.
13
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.'EOLOGY.
Nisan, the Semite equivalent of the Accadian month Bai-ziggar
„ a Soli-U'.nar and Sidereal month
Nisibis, a Hebrew Astrological MS. from
J, ,, ,, non-Hebrew words in
,, ,, ,, Spanish words in
,, ,, ,, authors mentioned in
,1 !» ,, Patriarchs mentioned in
,, ,, ,, anonymous books men
tioned in
,, ,, ,, astrological texts in
,, ,, ,, translation
Notes d'Assyriologie
Notes on ■'^^ and >>
Vol.
Page.
... XXH.
4S
... XXH.
49
... XXII.
330
... XXII.
330
... XXII.
330
... XXII.
331
n XXII.
331
11"
XXII. y,,
[> To^
... XXII.
2)2)?>
... XXII.
338
... XXII.
106
... XXII.
321
o.
Ofticials of the diwan of a Vezir of Egypt, list of
Offord, Joseph, M.J.S. , communications from
Ousertesen HI, the date of
XXII. loi, 102
XXII. 114, 120, 281, 372
XXII. 352
Papyrus, nr. 173, in the Bihliothcquc nationale, Paris
Paserj vezir under Rameses II ...
Paser, Mayor of Thebes under Rameses IX, Ushabti of
Pen Baal, in a Phcenician inscription, its connection with the Bibl
Peniel
Pentateuch, the Hebrew, a Samaritan Scroll of the ...
neTBe Nc/teir/v
Petrie, Prof. F. , D.C.L., LL. I)., communication from
Phoenician inscription at Greenock
,, ,, found at Larnaka in Cyprus ...
Phoenician inscriptions, note on the Geography of ...
Piehl, Prof. Karl, communications from
Pilcher, E. J., communication from ...
Pinches, T., communications from
Plough, the Hittite sign ^^ for, means " earth " or " land "
,, ,, ,, had the phonetic value of
Assyrian »-^YT ,<?;- or d"/-/ ...
Plunket, Hon. Miss, communications from ...
Poppy, the, in Egyptian art
Praefecti /Egypt i ...
Prefects of Egypt
Preposition ^AAAAA ^ the Egyptian, suggested derivation of ...
Price, F. G. Hilton, Dir. S.A., communication from
Ptah, the site of the Temple of, discovered at Karnak by
Legrain
" Purku," on the meaning of ...
... XXII.
155
... XXII.
62
... XXII.
64
:al
... XXII.
115
... XXII.
240
... XXII.
162
... XXII.
140
XXII. 114,
273
... XXII.
120
... XXII.
120
... XXII.
384
... XXH.
273
... XXII.
358
... XXII.
77,
;he
... XXII.
77
XXII. 47, So
... XXII.
144
... XXII.
372
... XXII.
374
... XXII.
41
... XXII,
w
160
... XXII.
77
... XXII.
294
INDEX.
Ra-ne-maa-ne kha, an Egyptian king of the Xlllth dynasty
Recumbent figure from Thebes ...
Regnal years were, by Hebrew writers, counted from the first
of the year of the king's accession...
Reheni, the sacred ram of Amen ; depicted on a stela in
Brighton Museum ...
Reshep Stela, the, at Aberdeen
Reshep, the Syrian god of thunder
Ricci, Seymour de, communication from
Rudra. an Indian deity, distinguished as an archer ...
Rylands, W. H., F.S.A., noteby
day
the
Vol. Pack.
XXII. 64
XXII. 161
XXII. 12
XXII.
272
XXII.
271
XXII.
271
XXII.
374
XXII.
52
XXII.
98
Sacred year and not the Civil year, recognized in the Scriptural
Record XXII. 13
Samaritan Scroll, a, of the Hebrew Pentateuch ... ... ... XXII. 240
Sayce, Rev. Prof. A. H., M.A., LL.D., communications from
XXII. 77, 79, 86, 161, 171, 221, 278
Scarabs, historical, a collection of ... ... ... ... XXII. 305, 386
Seal-Cylinders, some early Egyptian ... ... ... ... ... XXII. 279
Secretary's Report, 1899 ... ... ... ... ... ... XXII. 3
Seneferu, the first king with a cartouche ? ... ... ... ... XXII. 402
Sen-mut, Minister and Architect of Hatshepsut ... ... ... XXII. 63
Sen-nefer, Treasurer of Hatshepsut and Thothmes III ... ... XXII. 61
,, various titles of ... ... ... ... ... ... XXII. 60
Sen-nefer, Mayor of Thebes under Amenhotep II ... ... ... XXII. 59
Sentny, wife of Sen-nefer ... ... ... ... ... ... XXII. 60
Sep ©, the hieroglyph, represents corn on the threshing floor ... XXII. 154
Sesh em kha ne sesh, " Scribe in the office of books " ... ... XXII. 105
She-n-Ata, " The lake-nome of Ata," on a cylinder belonging to
Mr. H. S. Cowper, F.S.A XXII. 280
Signet plaques of Paser, vezir ... ... ... ... ... ... XXII. 61
Sirua-itirat, letter from, to Assur-sarrat ... ... ... ... XXII. 286
Slate, a carved, note on .. ... ... ... ... ... ... XXII. 140
Slates, the carved, from Hieraconpolis and elsewhere ... XXII. 125, 270
,, ,, ,, the sculptures on them repre-
sent battles which took
place at or before the es-
tablishment of a united
monarchy under Menes . . .
,, ,, ,, the conquerors not natives
of Egypt
,, ,, ,, the conquerors invaders from
Asia Minor
Sling, a, the hieroglyph for
XXII
138
XXII.
139
XXII.
139
XXII.
65
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY
Vol. Page.
Sothis, le lever heliaque de, le l6th Phaimouti XXII. 352
Spoon, or toilet-tray, in the form of a fi.sh, EgyjJtian ... ... XXII. 116
Strassburg Gospel Fragments, notes on the XXII. 72
"String of dried figs," the translation of the hieroglyphics
^=1^ J^""^ ^^^11- 148
String, ^^^^'^j the hieroglyphic sign for ... .. ... XXII. 148
" Iriulnm-ana," on the meaning of ... ... ... ... ... XXII. 294
Tab ark (?) c^^i fe^ J ci><;:; , " string of dried figs"
Temples, the, of Ancient Babylonia ...
Thutmose III, the annals of, and the location of Megiddo ... XXII.
Tombs of XXVIth dynasty, discovered by M. Barsanti, near the
pyramid of Unas ... ... ... ... ... ... ... XXII.
Trita Aptya, an Indian deity, legend concerning ... .. ... XXII.
Tiikh, objects from a tomb at ... ... ... ... ... ... XXII.
XXII. 148
XXII. 358
96
79
278
Uakhi
U.
a variant of
" 'Teai/nii'aSwv " alwaj'S occurs in connection with epithets of
Persephone ..
Ukha
I I , a variant of
>M
Urt-maat-ef, wife of Amen-em-Apt
User-en-Ra, the Temple of, discoveries at
kha
kha XXII.
100
of
... XXII.
121
... XXII.
100
... XXII.
60
.. XXII.
79
w.
Ward, John, F..S.A., communication fiom ... ... ... ... XXII. 305
Weigall, A. E., communications from . ... ... ... ... XXII. 272
Whyte, E. Towry, M.A. , F. S.A., communications from ... XXII. 116, 402
Wiedemann, Prof. Dr. A., communication from ... ... ... XXII. 155
Wilkinson, Sir G., list of drawings by, in Harrow School Library XXII. 118
Zafiap^adoi'x, its likeness to the "god Sabarbathiot," of tlie Coptic
Spell, in Proc, XIX, p. 185 ... XXII 122
Zif, the second month of the Jewish sacred year ... .. .. XXII. 13
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Four Recently Discovered Portions (together with verses from the
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